--The Asahi Shimbun, July 29 EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform （社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した
The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies. 鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。
For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged. 都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。
Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value. 最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。
However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years. しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。 ２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。
It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support. 議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。
But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party. それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。
But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value. それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。
Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet. 一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。
In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision. 主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。
The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula. 今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。
Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers. 合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。
Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House? それでいいのか？ その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。
But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”? ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。
July 05, 2015 (Mainichi Japan) Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Living life to its fullest as a human being 香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人間を楽しもう ／東京
As an ice-breaker at the beginning of a seminar, I often ask my students to introduce themselves by telling the class what they'd want to be if they could be anything. Without fail, at least a few students say they would choose to be a cat, bird or fish. Some students name other animals and even plants. But the reasons they cite for these choices are all the same: they want to be "free." 大学のゼミの始まりで緊張をほぐすためによく「何にでもなれるとしたら何がよいか」のテーマで自己紹介してもらう。すると必ず何人かは「ネコ」「トリ」「サカナ」と答える。ほかの動物や植物の名前もよくあがる。理由はいずれも「自由になりたいから」。
From my point of view, students have an abundance of freedom in their college years, but they themselves don't see it that way. They apparently live very hectic lives. They find that receiving instruction and at times reprimands in extracurricular activities and part-time jobs is stressful. Interpersonal relationships require that they be considerate. Many students commute from their parents' homes if possible, which means they may have long trips to and from school. Completely exhausted, it's no wonder that students wish they could simply lie in the sun like a cat, soar through the sky like a bird, or swim deep in the ocean like a fish. 私から見ると大学生活など自由そのものだが、学生たちは「そうじゃない」と言う。授業に課題その他で目の回る忙しさなのだそうだ。サークル活動やアルバイトでは、先輩に指導されたり叱られたりで緊張の連続。友人とのつき合いにも何かと気をつかうという。さらに最近は「通えるなら実家から」という学生が多く、通学に長い時間がかかる。疲れきってふと、「ネコになってのんびり寝転んでいたい」「トリやサカナになって空や海でゆったりしたい」と思う学生がいても決して不思議ではない。
But it feels to me like a waste to go through life as a human being while wishing one were a cat or a bird. That's why I remind my students that the animals they've named can't read or write, or that some animals live in constant fear of being devoured by predators. But the response I get is usually some version of, "That's fine. I wouldn't mind," or "There'd be no point in resisting." せっかく人間に生まれたのに「ネコやサカナがよかった」というのも、なんだかもったいなく思える。そういう学生には、必ず「でも本を読んだり文章を書いたりできないよ」「天敵に食われちゃうかもしれないよ」ときいてみる。返ってくる答えもだいたい決まっていて「それでもいいです」「仕方ないので気にしません」。
Are they just aloof? Maybe. Regardless, I feel sorry for students who are willing to risk their lives in order to "be free" or take it easy. I had a patient some years ago, a high school student, who told me, "I think I've already experienced all the fun there is to be had in life. Everything from here on out will be boring." I was flabbergasted. あっさりしているといえばそれまでだが、人間らしさや命の危険と引き換えにしてでも「ゆっくりしたい」と思っている学生たちがなんだか気の毒になってくる。何年か前には「人生の楽しいことはだいたいすべて経験しちゃったと思います。あとはつまらないことだけ」と話す高校生に診察室で出会い、あぜんとしたこともある。
It's true. Not everything in life as a grown-up is fun. Adults usually have little free time but more responsibilities at work and at home. Adults have to deal with making mistakes at work and saying goodbye to more and more loved ones. Some days can be really tough. I, too, wonder at times what it would be like to go back to my junior high school years. But I still have moments where I feel I've achieved something significant in my career, or that I've made an important decision at a turning point in my life. たしかにおとなになれば、ますます時間の自由はきかなくなるし、職場や家庭での責任も重くなり、仕事でミスをしたり親しい人との別れが増えたりと、決して楽しいことばかりではない。私もときどき、「中学生くらいに戻れたらな」などと空想することもある。しかし、そんなしんどい毎日の中にも、「自分がやりたかった仕事で成果を出せた」とか「人生の岐路に立ち自分なりの答えを見つけた」とか、手ごたえを感じる瞬間もある。
To all the young people who wish they could be a cat: Your school years -- as well as the years following school -- may be difficult, but we as human beings are able to make decisions in our lives to try and make them into what we choose. So let's enjoy it. 「ネコになりたい」などという若い人たちには、こう言いたい。「たしかに学生もたいへん、その後はもっとたいへんかもしれないけれど、自分の人生を自分で決めて切り開けるのが人間だよ。もっと人間であることを楽しもうよ」。
For this message to be convincing, however, we adults must first demonstrate that we are happy in our own lives. そのためにも、私たちおとながもっと楽しそうな顔で暮らさなければ、とも思うのだ。（精神科医）
July 12, 2015 (Mainichi Japan) Kaleidoscope of the Heart: If you've hurt someone, go ahead and apologize 香山リカのココロの万華鏡：傷つけたら謝る ／東京
Recent comments made by lawmakers and a lecturer during a study session of the Liberal Democratic Party have been brought into question, including those demeaning two newspapers in Okinawa and the Okinawan public. 自民党の勉強会に出席した議員や講師の発言が問題になっている。沖縄の新聞や住民をおとしめるような内容と言ってよいだろう。
While those who made the comments explained that they had been "joking," and that what they had said "did not constitute suppression of speech," there is no denying the fact that these statements resulted in people feeling hurt. 発言者は「冗談だった」「言論の弾圧ではない」と釈明しているが、傷ついた人たちがいることはたしかだ。
In my view, there does not exist a single individual who does not end up hurting others in some way or another throughout the course of daily living. Even comments that were made without any malicious intent on the part of the speaker may end up making someone else feel saddened or angered. 毎日を生きる中で、まったく人を傷つけずにいることは誰もできない、と私は考えている。悪気がない言葉でも、聞いた人によっては悲しくなったり怒りを感じたりする。
For some time after my father had passed away, for example, hearing other people my age say things like, "My father is making efforts to take care of his health, so he is really doing great," would make me wonder, "Does this mean that my own father had been neglecting his health?" which would in turn cause me to feel despondent. たとえば私も、父親を亡くしてしばらくの間は、同世代の人が「うちの父は健康のために努力しているので元気そのもの」などと言うのを聞くと、「私の父は努力を怠ったのかな」などと落ち込んでいた。
In other words, even if we understand that someone may not have meant a particular statement in a certain way, we may still perceive it in a negative manner. 頭では「相手はそんなつもりもなく言ったのだから」とわかっていても、どうしてもマイナスに受け取ってしまうことがあるのだ。
Naturally, I assume that I too say things from time to time that end up causing painful feelings for others. The people who come to visit my office are particularly vulnerable to being hurt, since they are experiencing mental and physical difficulties. And on those occasions when I do end up saying something insensitive, rather than protesting with something like "Please don't say that!" they normally do nothing beyond managing a weak laugh. On numerous occasions, I have gone pale-faced when years later those same people have come back and told me, "What you said to me back then was really shocking." もちろん、私が何気ない言葉で誰かを傷つける側にまわることもあるだろう。とくに、診察の場にやって来る人たちは、心身の不調を抱えているのだからよけいに傷つきやすくなっている。しかも、その人たちはたとえ私が心ない言葉を発しても、その場では力なく笑うだけで「先生、そんなこと言わないでください」などと抗議することもない。何年もたってから「先生のあのときの言葉、とてもショックでした」と言われ、顔が青ざめたことも何度かある。
How can we address this problem, then? If we put too many restrictions on ourselves in terms of what we are permitted to say, we will end up not being able to say anything at all. At the same time, however, we must always keep in mind the fact that even our innocently expressed speech has the power to inadvertently cause pain for others -- particularly those who are in vulnerable positions or members of marginalized groups. では、どうすればよいのか。これもダメ、あれもいけない、と気をつかいすぎると、何も言えなくなってしまう。ただ、自分の悪気のない言葉も、思わぬ人たち、とくに弱い立場や少数者の立場にいる人を傷つける場合もある、ということは、いつも頭の片すみにとめておくべきだ。
And if someone then confronts us by saying, "I really wish that you wouldn't have said that," we must immediately apologize for having caused hurt with our words, rather than deflect their criticism by saying something like "I didn't mean anything negative, so what's the harm?" or "You're the one who's in the wrong for getting upset." もし相手が「それは言ってほしくなかったな」などと言ったら、すぐに「傷つけたならごめんなさい」と謝ることも必要だろう。「悪意はなかったんだからいいじゃない」「こんなことを気にするあなたが悪い」などと開きなおるのはよくない。
Finally, while this is most definitely not an easy thing to do, we must also practice gathering the strength to say "please stop" when others bring up a topic or say something that makes us feel uncomfortable. At such times, we should not worry about disturbing the positive atmosphere. Rather, we should firmly express our own feelings -- even if it is done by speaking quietly. また、これはとてもむずかしいが、相手が言ってほしくない話題や言葉を話した場合、「やめてください」と伝える“練習”もしておきたい。「せっかく場が盛り上がっているから」などと気配りをしすぎず、小さな声でも、しっかりと自分の意思を伝えるのだ。
Of course, the ideal situation is one whereby we never say things that end up hurting others. Realistically speaking, however, this is something that we human beings are unable to avoid. 傷つけあう言葉を言わないのがいちばんだが、生きている限り、それは避けられない。
At such times, then, we must apologize as soon as we realize what has occurred, and we must then make efforts to take better care the next time. This is a fundamental truth, and it is applicable in any and all types of situations. だとしたら、気づいた段階で謝って、次からは気をつける。これがどんな場合でも基本だと思う。
July 26, 2015 (Mainichi Japan) Kaleidoscope of the heart: Things that we feel compelled to do 香山リカのココロの万華鏡：やらざるをえないもの ／東京
The Akutagawa Prize, which is awarded twice yearly, is an extremely prestigious honor among writers. The winners of the most recent competition -- the 153rd in its history -- were "Scrap and Build" by Keisuke Hada, and "Hibana" by Naoki Matayoshi. 小説家にとってはあこがれの賞、芥川賞。選考は年に２回だが、第１５３回となる今回は羽田圭介さんの「スクラップ・アンド・ビルド」、そして又吉直樹さんの「火花」が選ばれた。
Matayoshi is one-half of the comedy duo "Peace," and he may often be seen on television. The main character in his novel is similarly a comedian, who undertakes a quest to advance to a full-fledged master of humor under a comedy mentor. 又吉さんは、テレビでもよく見かけるお笑い芸人コンビ「ピース」のひとりだ。受賞作の主人公もやはり芸人。
The novel portrays the dedication with which the performer strives to become a star -- efforts that are so extreme, in fact, that what begins as a light story gradually becomes quite intense for the reader. 先輩格を師匠とあおぎ、人気者を目指して必死にがんばるその心もようが描かれ、楽しく読んでいるうちに主人公らのあまりの真剣さにだんだん息が苦しくなってくるような作品だ。
Author Amy Yamada, an Akutagawa Prize judge, spoke on behalf of the selection committee during a press conference -- and I found her description of Matayoshi's novel striking. "The work seems to be portraying a poignant story that the author felt compelled to tell," she commented. "While the novel does have its faults, it left me with an overall feeling that was quite strong." 選考委員を代表して作家の山田詠美さんが記者会見で話をした。又吉さんの作品を講評しての言葉がとても印象的だった。「どうしても書かざるをえない切実なものが迫ってくる感じで、欠点も多々あるんですけど、何か強いものを感じて」
This phrase "felt compelled to..." is one that I had not heard for a very long time -- and it represents a feeling that I had long forgotten. 「どうしてもやらざるをえない」。私は、その言葉を久しぶりに聞いた気がした。最近はそんな気持ちをすっかり忘れていた。
I leave every morning for the university or for my office, where I then give lectures or see patients. When deadlines approach, I write my columns. Although I do attempt to give my best efforts for such pursuits, I find myself feeling very relieved on my days off. And on some days, I find myself thinking, "Truthfully, I would just rather not go in to work today." 朝、時間が来れば病院や大学に出かけ、診察や授業をする。締め切りが来ると原稿を書く。もちろんどれもそれなりに真剣にやっているつもりだが、休みの日が来るとほっとする。「今日は正直言って仕事に行きたくない」と思う日もある。
In other words, the phrase "compelled to..." represents a strong feeling from which I have become alienated. Without realizing it, I suppose that I have taken on the attitude of simply doing things "because it is my job." 「どうしてもやらざるをえない」といった強い思いからは、ずいぶん遠ざかってしまっていた。知らないうちに、どこか「仕事だから」と割り切ってこなしていたのかもしれない。
As for my young students at university, they are involved with their studies, club activities, and part-time jobs. While I am sure that these are all activities they enjoy doing, it is my guess that they rarely feel so strongly about something that they are "compelled" to do it. 大学で出会う若い学生たちは、どうなのだろう。勉強、部活、アルバイトに遊び。どれもやりたいからやっているのだろうが、「どうしてもやらざるをえない」とまで感じることは少ないのではないか。
When handing in reports, my students sometimes include their own opinions, prefaced with something like this: "I know this is not directly related to the subject at hand, but I really felt like I had to write it." It is precisely this type of feeling that I hope these students will continue to cultivate. たまにリポートに「課題とは直接、関係ないけれど、これだけはどうしても言っておきたくて」と自分の意見を書いてくる学生もいるが、そういう気持ちを大切にしてもらいたい、と思う。
Matayoshi works as a comedian, but he additionally penned a novel because he "felt compelled" to do so -- even though it might have been more beneficial for him as a performer to have spent that time appearing on television or doing comedy shows. In order to engage in this novel-writing endeavor, I'm sure that he must have also gained the understanding of his comedy partner and others around him. 又吉さんはお笑い芸人として活躍しているが、それでも「どうしても書かざるをえない」という気持ちに動かされるようにして小説を書いた。もしかするとそんな時間があったらテレビに出たりお笑いライブをしたりしたほうが芸人としてはプラスかもしれないが、コンビの相方や周囲の人たちも理解してくれたのだろう。
I would love to once again engage in something because I felt compelled to do so -- even if it meant pushing myself beyond my own limits in the process. And it is none other than Matayoshi's work that has inspired me with this feeling. 私ももう一度、「これだけはやらざるをえないんです」と無理してでも何かをやってみたい。そんな気持ちにさせてくれた又吉さんの受賞だった。（精神科医）
July 19, 2015 (Mainichi Japan) Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Giving priority treatment to caregivers 香山リカのココロの万華鏡：介護マーク、本気で考えて ／東京
These days, certain considerate gestures have become fairly commonplace: things like giving up a "priority seat" to a pregnant woman or to a cane-wielding elderly person, or pushing the button to keep an elevator door open for someone in a wheelchair who is trying to get off. バスや電車で「おなかに赤ちゃんがいます」というマタニティーマークを身につけた女性やつえをついた高齢者が前に立ったら席をゆずる。エレベーターで車いす使用者と乗り合わせたら、降りるときに「開」ボタンを押すなどしてサポートする。こんな助け合いの行動が、完璧とは言えないまでもかなり世の中に浸透してきた。
But a woman who came to my consultation room said that, "people don't understand the stress of caregivers and won't give you their seat on a train." 「でもね」とあるとき、診察室で女性が話してくれた。「介護疲れはまわりの人になかなかわかってもらえないし、電車で席をゆずってもらったりもできないですよね」
This woman is a single person in her 50s. She has a job and lives with her elderly parents, who both need care. During the day she uses the services of home helpers and care facilities, but at night she cares for them herself. While she believes in supporting her parents, she can feel the toll of the stress on her body and mind. When she sought medical help to reduce her stress, she was recommended counseling and came to see me. After talking with her for a while, I saw that she was close to suffering from "caregiver depression." 彼女は独身の５０代。高齢の両親と同居しながら働いている。ふたりとも「要介護」で、日中はヘルパーやデイサービスを活用しているが、夜は彼女がひとりで世話をする。「親なので当然」とは思っているが、心身ともにくたくたになっているのを感じている。「なんとか疲れを取る方法はないか」と内科を受診したらカウンセリングを勧められ、私の診察室にやって来たのだ。話をしてみると、いわゆる「介護うつ」に近い状態であった。
The woman said that on the train to go home after finishing her day's work, she thinks about what she will need to do when she gets home, and that alone brings a wave of exhaustion upon her. If she could only sit, she could rest before arriving home, but usually it is crowded and she has to stand. She can't very well say to someone, "I'm going to be doing care work, so can you give me your seat?" 彼女は仕事が終わって帰りの電車に乗った瞬間、「うちに着いたらあれしてこれして」とその夜にやることを考えるという。それだけでどっと疲労感が押し寄せる。そのときに座っていられたら「よし、家に着くまでひと休みしよう」と思えるが、たいていは混んでいて立ちっぱなし。まさか「すみません、これから介護が待っているので席をゆずってもらえませんか」と頼むわけにもいかない。
I suggested, half-jokingly at the time, "It might be good if there was a charm you could wear that would inform others that you're a caregiver" like the key chains given to pregnant women that encourages other passengers to give up their seats for them, but she nodded and said seriously, "You're right." 「疲れた。誰かにやさしくしてもらいたい。でも無理」と考えているだけでストレスはどんどん高まっていくのだろう。私は「『いま介護してます』という介護マークでもあればいいかもしれませんね」と半ば冗談のつもりで言ったのだが、彼女は真剣な表情で「本当に」とうなずいた。
There are many workplaces that do not give enough consideration to pregnant and child-raising employees, but the lack of consideration for caregivers is greater still. 妊娠や子育てにもまだ配慮の足りない職場は多いが、介護への理解不足はそれ以上。
Of course, more and more nursing care services have become available, but with the falling birth rate and fewer people getting married, it is thought that there will be more cases of people caring for their parents alone, just like this woman. もちろん、介護保険でいろいろなサービスが使えるようになってはきたが、少子化や非婚化が進む中、この女性のように「ひとりで両親ふたりを介護」というケースも増えてくると思われる。
Some people, with no other option, leave their jobs to focus on care giving, but that is neither good for them nor society, and if they fall into "caregiver depression," it will take a long time for them to recover. やむをえず仕事をやめる「介護離職」に踏みきる人もいるが、社会にとっても本人にとっても望ましいことではない。「介護うつ」にまでなってしまうと、回復までに長い時間がかかる。
This is why I hope that someone will seriously think about creating some kind of symbol to identify caregivers so they can receive priority seating on public transport. マタニティーマークならぬ介護マーク。誰か本気で考えてみてくれないだろうか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 24 EDITORIAL: Tokyo, Beijing must avert cycle of mutual distrust in East China Sea （社説）中国ガス田 不信の連鎖に陥るな
China is developing gas fields in wide areas on the Chinese side of the median line between its shoreline and that of Japan in the East China Sea. 中国が、東シナ海の日本と中国の中間線近くの中国側海域でガス田開発を進めている。
The Japanese government has released aerial photos of 16 offshore gas drilling platforms, including 12 structures that have been detected since June 2013. 日本政府は１３年６月以降に１２基の施設を確認したとして、それを含む計１６基の写真を公開した。
In June 2008, the governments of Japan and China agreed to pursue joint development of gas fields in areas around disputed waters. Although bilateral negotiations for joint gas development have been suspended because of a flare-up over the Senkaku Islands, the agreement has not been abrogated. 日中両政府は０８年６月、ガス田の共同開発をめざすことで合意している。交渉は尖閣問題などで中断しているが、合意が破棄されたわけではない。
China’s unilateral moves to change the status quo are totally unacceptable. The Japanese government needs to demand that Beijing call off the development of gas fields and return to the negotiation table for joint gas development. 中国の一方的な現状変更は、断じて容認できない。日本政府は中国に対し、開発の中止と共同開発に向けた交渉再開を求めていく必要がある。
Japan and China have been locked in a bitter diplomatic row over the extent of their respective exclusive economic zones in the East China Sea. 東シナ海は、排他的経済水域の境界をめぐり日中間に争いがある。
The two countries were supposed to have agreed to develop gas fields together while avoiding provocative actions until a border demarcation accord is reached. 線引きが画定するまで互いに配慮しながら、ガス田の共同開発を進めるはずだった。
But China’s activities in the region indicate that it is trying to accumulate fait accomplis for its naval expansion as it is doing in the South China Sea, where it has been reclaiming disputed reefs. しかし現状は、中国が岩礁の埋め立てを進めてきた南シナ海と同様、既成事実を積み重ね、海洋進出をはかる動きにも見える。
Defense Minister Gen Nakatani pointed out the possibility that the platforms China has built in the East China Sea could be used to install military facilities like radars and heliports. China may use them “for security purposes,” he said. 中谷防衛相は東シナ海の施設について「（中国が）安全保障の観点から利用する可能性がある」と述べ、レーダーやヘリポートなど軍事目的で使用される可能性を指摘している。
There may be a political motive behind the Japanese government’s decision to publish information about Beijing’s gas development activities in the region at this time. The move may be aimed at winning greater public support for the security legislation it is seeking to enact by stressing the security threat posed by China. 日本政府がこの時期に公表したのは、中国の脅威を強調し、安全保障関連法案への理解を求める意図もありそうだ。
But Japan should avoid taking actions that could heighten military tension in the East China Sea. The only way to solve the situation is through diplomatic efforts. だが、東シナ海の軍事的な緊張を高めることは避けなければならない。外交的に解決する以外に道はない。
It is difficult to understand why the Japanese government has not disclosed the information about the Chinese gas operations until now. Since China has clearly violated the bilateral agreement on gas development, Tokyo should have published the facts to broad audiences at home and abroad as soon as it became aware of them to obtain international understanding of Japan’s concerns. 一方で、日本政府がこれまで中国側の動きを公表してこなかったのは理解に苦しむ。日中合意違反であり、把握した段階で広く内外に公表し、国際社会に理解を求めるべきだった。
What the two countries need to do most urgently is to make effective efforts to regain a certain degree of mutual trust. 何よりも急務なのは、両国が一定の信頼を取り戻すことだ。
It is vital for their leaders to discuss the issue from a broad perspective and set basic principles for how the two nations should deal with the situation. 首脳同士が大局を見据えて話し合い、大きな方向性を打ち出すことが重要である。
In a bilateral summit held in 2008, the leaders of Japan and China at that time, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda and President Hu Jintao, signed a joint statement pledging to make the East China Sea “a sea of peace, cooperation and friendship.” ０８年の日中首脳会談では当時の福田首相と胡錦濤（フーチンタオ）国家主席が「東シナ海を平和・協力・友好の海とする」ことを盛り込んだ日中共同声明に署名した。
Tokyo and Beijing are now considering a summit between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chinese President Xi Jinping when the Japanese leader visits China in early September. 日中両政府は、安倍首相が９月初旬に中国を訪問し、習近平（シーチンピン）国家主席と会談することを検討している。
The two governments should make that summit happen to create a diplomatic environment in which it is possible for their leaders to confirm basic principles. これを実現させ、両首脳が継続的に話し合える環境を整えるべきだ。
In its statement about Japan’s move to publish photos showing China’s gas development activities, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said it has not changed its policy of putting importance on taking actions in line with “shared recognitions concerning the East China Sea problem.” This passage could be interpreted as a signal that Beijing doesn’t want to close the door on cooperation with Japan. 今回の日本の公表後、中国外務省は談話の中で「東シナ海問題での共通認識の履行を重視する立場は変わらない」とした。日本との協力に応じる余地を残したとも取れる。
Allowing the problem to trigger a cycle of mutual distrust would be detrimental to the interests of both countries. 不信の連鎖に陥ることは日中双方の利益にならない。
Instead of doing what could cause the bilateral security confrontation to intensify, the two countries should use the situation as an opportunity to start moving toward expanded bilateral cooperation in the future. 安全保障上の対立をあおるより、今後の協力関係を発展させる糸口としなければならない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Japan reveals truth to stop China from accelerating maritime advance 中国ガス田開発 実態公開して自制を促したい
China’s self-serving moves to develop marine resources in violation of a bilateral agreement with Japan cannot be allowed. Japan must persistently urge Beijing to refrain from such actions. 日中間の合意に反して海洋資源を開発する中国の独善的な行為は容認できない。日本は、中国に粘り強く自制を促さねばならない。
The government announced Wednesday that China has been constructing a total of 12 new offshore platforms and related structures since June 2013 for the development of gas fields in the East China Sea, where Japan and China have yet to demarcate the boundaries. 政府は、日中の境界が画定していない東シナ海で、中国がガス田開発のため、２０１３年６月以降、新たに１２基の海洋プラットホーム（海上施設）などを建設していると発表した。
The government also posted aerial photos of the structures and a map showing their locations on the Foreign Ministry’s website. 施設の航空写真や地図も、外務省のホームページで公開した。
“It is extremely regrettable that China is unilaterally developing resources,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a press conference Wednesday. 菅官房長官は記者会見で、「一方的な資源開発は極めて遺憾だ」と述べた。
It is appropriate for the government to convey the actual nature of China’s maritime advances to the international community, and try to restrain such actions. 中国の海洋進出の実態を国際社会に幅広く訴え、中国をけん制する狙いは適切である。
Suga said the government decided to release the map and the photos because the Chinese government has accelerated its development of natural resources in recent years, while refusing to resume negotiations on the implementation of an accord in which Japan and China agreed to cooperate on the development of natural resources in the East China Sea. 公開した理由について、中国政府が日本との共同開発の交渉に応じない一方、開発を近年、加速させていることを挙げた。
Some within the government had called for caution about releasing the photos and the map, saying it would only cause China to take a tougher line. But Japan’s taking an excessively conciliatory stance would only benefit China, which is trying to secure its interests by accumulating a number of faits accomplis. 中国が態度を硬化させるとして、政府には公開に慎重な意見があった。だが、過度の融和姿勢は既成事実を積み重ね、権益確保を狙う中国を利するだけだろう。
China’s foreign ministry responded to Japan’s criticism Wednesday by stressing that China’s development of gas fields in the East China Sea is “completely justified and legitimate.” 中国外務省は、ガス田開発について「開発活動は完全に正当で、合法だ」と強弁した。
China’s reasoning flawed
As long as the bilateral boundaries have yet to be demarcated, the development sites are within disputed waters. It is illogical for China to try to justify its actions with the reasoning that the gas fields are on the Chinese side of the Japan-China median line. 境界が未画定な以上、開発地点は、係争中の海域である。ガス田が日中中間線の中国側海域にあるという理由なら、筋が違う。
Japan and China agreed in 2008 that both countries will jointly develop the Shirakaba gas field located near the median line. Both countries also agreed to designate specific waters stretching over the median line as the joint development area. 日中は０８年、中間線に隣接する白樺ガス田を共同開発し、中間線をまたぐ特定海域を共同開発区域とすることで合意した。
In 2010, China postponed treaty negotiations on the implementation of the 2008 accord, and the talks have been suspended ever since. 中国は１０年に合意実現への条約交渉を延期し、中断したままだ。
Japan needs to demand that China stop its unilateral development and call again for China to resume the talks at an early date. 日本は、中国に開発の中止と、交渉の早期再開を改めて求める必要がある。
The possibility that China will utilize the offshore facilities for military purposes is worrying. 懸念されるのは、海上施設の軍事利用である。
China has been conducting reclamation work on rock reefs in the South China Sea and moving ahead with making these reclaimed reefs into military strongholds. 中国は南シナ海で岩礁を埋め立て、軍事拠点化を進めている。
Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has pointed out the possibility of Chinese forces also utilizing the offshore facilities in the East China Sea to deploy radar and serve as operational bases for reconnaissance helicopters. 中谷防衛相は、東シナ海の海上施設についても、中国軍がレーダーを配備したり、偵察のためのヘリコプターの活動拠点として利用したりする可能性を指摘する。
China unilaterally announced in November 2013 the establishment of an air defense identification zone over the East China Sea, a zone that includes the airspace over the Senkaku Islands of Okinawa Prefecture. 中国は１３年１１月、沖縄県の尖閣諸島上空を含む防空識別圏（ＡＤＩＺ）の設定を一方的に発表した。
Deploying radar near the median line would make it possible for China to cover areas that the radar on its mainland cannot. 中間線付近でのレーダー配備が実現すれば、中国本土のレーダーでカバーできなかった隙間を埋めることが可能になる。
Japan must heighten its vigilance by closely cooperating with the United States. It is also urgent to introduce a bilateral maritime liaison mechanism to avoid accidental clashes between aircraft or vessels of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Chinese forces. 日本は米国と緊密に連携し、警戒を強化しなければならない。自衛隊と中国軍の航空機や艦船の偶発的な衝突を防ぐ「海上連絡メカニズム」の実現も急ぎたい。
It is likewise important for Japan to improve bilateral relations from the viewpoint of a strategically reciprocal relationship with China, while also continuing to assert its position regarding Japan’s sovereignty. 日本の主権に関わる主張は守りつつ、戦略的互恵の観点から日中関係を改善することも大切だ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 22 EDITORIAL: Defense white paper shows that security legislation can wait （社説）防衛白書 法制を急ぐ必要はない
Where, really, was the urgency to railroad national security bills through the Lower House in the absence of public support? 国民の納得がえられないままで、安全保障関連法案の採決を強行する切迫性があったのか。
This was the question we had to ask anew upon reading the Defense Ministry's 2015 white paper, submitted to the Cabinet on July 21. きのう閣議報告された１５年版の防衛白書を読むと、改めてそんな疑問を禁じえない。
The annual report serves to show the direction of Japan's defense policy for both domestic and overseas readerships. Predictably, this year's main topic was Japan's relations with China. 防衛白書は、日本の防衛政策の方向性を内外に示す役割がある。多くのページを割いたのはやはり中国との関係だ。
With regard to the activities of Chinese government vessels in waters around the disputed Senkaku Islands, the white paper stated, "There is a trend toward routinization, and it is possible that rules such as guidelines on the operation of the vessels have been set in place." The report also noted that "larger vessels are coming into use." 尖閣諸島周辺の中国公船の活動について、白書は「ルーチン（日常業務）化の傾向が見られる。運用要領などの基準が定まった可能性も考えられる」「公船は大型化が図られている」と分析した。
According to the Defense Ministry, Chinese government vessels are entering Japanese waters at regular intervals of three times a month--early in the month, mid-month and late in the month. The usual pattern is that two or three ships would arrive in the morning, and then leave after about two hours. 防衛省によると、中国公船が日本領海に侵入する回数は毎月３回で、上旬、中旬、下旬に１回ずつ。２、３隻が午前中に入って約２時間で出ていくパターンになっているという。
This suggests that the ships could be under Beijing's control to some degree. だとすれば、中国当局の一定のコントロール下にあるとの見方もできる。
The Japan Coast Guard is responsible for dealing with Chinese government vessels in Japanese waters. Given that larger vessels are coming into use, discussions of a nonmilitary nature are called for, such as with respect to prioritized allocation of the defense budget to the Japan Coast Guard. 中国公船への対応は海上保安庁が担っている。公船の大型化に対しても、海上保安庁への予算の重点配分など軍事だけでない議論が必要だ。
As for clarifying the division of roles between the Japan Coast Guard and the Maritime Self-Defense Force, a package of maritime policing bills, sponsored by opposition parties, warrants discussion. However, there has been little progress on this to date. 海保と自衛隊との役割分担を明確にする点では、野党提出の領域警備法案の議論も大事だが、なお生煮えのままだ。
What the nation needs most is a crisis management policy to prevent accidental military encounters. It can be appreciated that Tokyo-Beijing talks are advancing on the early opening of a communication mechanism, such as a special hotline, between officials in the naval and air forces of the two nations. In addition, creating an environment where the leaders of the two nations can talk candidly to each other is vital to the establishment of peace and stability in the region. 最も重要なのは、偶発的な軍事衝突を回避する危機管理策であり、「日中海空連絡メカニズム」の運用開始に向けて協議が進んでいることは評価できる。さらに首脳同士が率直に語り合える環境をつくることこそ、地域の平和と安定につながる。
While China's military expansion and aggressive maritime advancement cannot be overlooked, nothing can be resolved by just harping on about the perceived threat posed by China. Diplomatic efforts to ease the tensions are urgently needed. 中国の軍事力の拡大や強引な海洋進出は見過ごせないが、脅威をあおるだけで解決はできない。緊張を下げる外交努力を急がねばならない。
Another major security-related challenge concerns extremist Islamic State militants and other international terrorist organizations. The white paper stated: "A situation has arisen that can never be considered irrelevant to Japan." もうひとつ、安全保障上の大きな課題は、過激派組織「イスラム国」（ＩＳ）をはじめとする国際テロへの対応だ。白書では「わが国も無縁とは決して言えない状況が起きている」と警戒感を示した。
But it is generally agreed that there are limits to the effectiveness of military action against acts of international terrorism that are not state sponsored. In this sense, there is no denying that the nation's proposed security legislation, which leans heavily toward the use of armed force, comes across as "behind the times." ただ、非国家の国際テロに対しては軍事力の限界を指摘する声が一般的である。軍事に偏った安保法案は「周回遅れ」の印象がぬぐえない。
Japan is in its element when it makes nonmilitary contributions such as measures to combat poverty and contagious diseases and providing education. Japan definitely needs to hold more realistic discussions on how best to make use of its "pacifist nation" brand that has been cultivated over the last 70 years since the end of World War II. 貧困対策や感染症対策、教育支援などテロの根を断つ非軍事の貢献こそ日本にふさわしい。戦後７０年かけて培ってきた「平和国家日本」のブランドをどう生かしていくか、現実的な議論をもっと深める必要がある。
The defense white paper is read closely by China and other neighboring nations. We would like it to become more of a vehicle for conveying constructive messages that will foster greater mutual trust with each nation. 防衛白書は中国をはじめ近隣諸国も注目している。白書の記述を通じて、各国と信頼醸成をはかる。そんな建設的な発信ができないものか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 19 EDITORIAL: 1.3 billion Chinese lose in Xi’s crackdown on human rights lawyers （社説）弁護士拘束 中国国民の権利損なう
July 10 is now known as “Black Friday” by people concerned about human rights in China. 中国の人権問題に関心を寄せる人々の間で７月１０日は「暗黒の金曜日」と呼ばれている。
On that day, police detained human rights lawyers and activists in various parts of the nation in a large-scale concerted crackdown on people working for the cause. 各地で人権派の弁護士、活動家が警察によって一斉に連行された。その後も摘発が続き、取り調べの対象者は２００人を超えた。見過ごせない暴挙である。
Chinese authorities have continued the roundup in the ensuing days, interrogating more than 200 people so far. This is an outrageous act that cannot be overlooked. The main target of the crackdown is Fengrui, a law firm in Beijing. People linked to Fengrui are still being held in custody. 主な標的となったのは北京の弁護士事務所で、その関係者は拘束されたままだ。
Those who were rounded up in other parts of the nation, such as Hunan province, Shanghai and Henan province, are suspected to have links to Fengrui. ほかに湖南省、上海、河南省など各地で取り調べを受けた人々は、この事務所と関係があると見なされたようだ。
These civil-rights lawyers have been acting as defenders of the rights of ordinary people petitioning the authorities in various cases, including forced evictions from their homes. 弁護士らは、立ち退きなど様々な問題に巻き込まれて役所に陳情する庶民に寄り添ってきた。
The lawyers play an important role for improving the human rights situation in China, and such an attack on these lawyers and activists could cause serious damage to the rights of the entire Chinese public. 中国社会の人権を巡る状況を改善していくうえで貴重な担い手である。彼らを狙い撃ちにする行為は、ひろく国民の権利全体を損なうことにつながる。
Beijing has used the state-controlled media to demonize the law firm as “a criminal organization that has disturbed social order.” 中国政府は国営メディアを通じ、この弁護士事務所に「社会秩序を乱す犯罪集団」のレッテル貼りをしている。
The accusation refers to Fengrui’s use of the Internet to draw public attention to cases of civil rights violations concerning disputes between police and local residents. 住民と警官とのトラブルを問題としてことさらに取り上げ、ネットで広めた行為などを指している。
According to the government’s logic, all protests against the actions of authorities qualify as “anti-government” activities. 政府の主張に沿えば、異議申し立てはすべて「反政府」になってしまう。
The latest move against civil-rights lawyers came just about two months after Pu Zhiqiang, a widely known human rights lawyer, was formally indicted in May. ５月には良心的弁護士として広く知られた浦志強氏が起訴されたばかりだ。
Nearly 1,000 human rights activists were detained in China last year, according to some reports. 昨年中国で拘束された人権活動家は１千人近くに上ると言われる。
The administration of President Xi Jinping has been suppressing, with unprecedented harshness, people working for the protection of human rights in the country. 習近平（シーチンピン）政権になってからの弾圧ぶりはかつてない厳しさだ。
Since China started reforming its economy and opening its door to the outside world, two main forces have been fighting each other for dominance. 改革開放以後、中国では二つの力がせめぎ合っている。
One is the newfound power of citizens supported by the rising standards of living and education. While they certainly have a conservative side, Chinese citizens have grown increasingly conscious of their life-related rights and have acquired the ability to take action. 一つは生活水準や教育水準の向上を背景とする、市民の力だ。彼らは保守的な一面を持ちながらも、生活にかかわる権利意識があり、行動する力量を備えてきている。
Pitted against the power of citizens is the Communist Party’s political power to suppress dissenting voices in order to protect its one-party rule. This political power has been asserted aggressively by the Xi administration. これに対するものが、一党支配を守ろうと異論を抑え込む力だ。習政権に顕著なものだ。
China’s 2004 constitutional amendments added a provision stipulating, “The state respects and preserves human rights.” The Constitution also guarantees freedom of speech, assembly and association. 中国は０４年の憲法改正で「国家は人権を尊重し、保障する」という条項を加えた。もとより言論や集会、結社の自由も規定されている。
But there is no system in place to ensure that these constitutional provisions are enforced. As a result, they are effectively dead provisions. だが、実効あるものにする制度はなく、空文に等しい。
Meanwhile, a sweeping new national security law that came into force on July 1 could only reinforce the government’s inclination to restrict the rights of citizens under the pretext of national security. In early July, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein expressed concern about the human rights implications of the new security law. 逆に、今月１日に施行された国家安全法は、安全の名のもとに市民の権利を制限する傾向を助長しかねず、さきに国連人権高等弁務官も懸念を表明した。
In a key party conference held last autumn, the Xi administration pledged to promote wholeheartedly national governance based on law. 習政権は昨年秋、共産党の会議で「法にもとづく国家統治の全面的推進」を打ち出した。
If what is happening in China is any indication, however, the law here actually means a stick to suppress citizens rather than a shield to protect them. 起きていることを見る限り、そこで言う法とは、市民の権利を守る盾ではなく、市民を抑え込むこん棒である。
We are deeply concerned about the prospect that China’s 1.3 billion people will remain trapped in a miserable human rights situation that is far from the rule of law. １３億人が法治にほど遠い状況に置かれ続けることを深く憂慮する。
July 20, 2015 (Mainichi Japan) Abe Cabinet approval rating plummets to 35% after security bill vote: Mainichi poll 本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％
Public support for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has plunged to 35 percent, according to a Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll conducted on July 17 and 18, just after the ruling coalition rammed controversial security bills through the House of Representatives.
The figure was down 7 points from the previous survey on July 4 and 5, and was the lowest level seen since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in December 2012. The disapproval rating for the Abe Cabinet rose 8 points to 51 percent. It was also the first time that the disapproval rating for his Cabinet surpassed 50 percent. 毎日新聞は１７、１８両日、安全保障関連法案の衆院通過を受けて緊急の全国世論調査を実施した。安倍内閣の支持率は今月４、５両日の前回調査より７ポイント減の３５％で、第２次安倍内閣発足後で最低となった。不支持率は前回より８ポイント増の５１％と初めて半数に達した。
Sixty-eight percent of respondents replied that it was a problem that the ruling coalition had forced the security bills -- which would allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense -- through the lower house last week, well above the 24 percent who said it was not a problem. 与党が１５日の衆院平和安全法制特別委員会で安保法案を強行採決したことについては「問題だ」との回答が６８％で、「問題ではない」の２４％を大きく上回った。
As public criticism of the proposed security legislation is growing, the survey results suggest that the government's steamrolling of the bills pushed down the Abe Cabinet's approval rating. 安保法案への世論の批判は強まっており、政府・与党の一連の対応が内閣支持率を押し下げたとみられる。
◇安保強行採決「問題」６８％
Of the respondents, 62 percent expressed opposition to the security bills, 4 points more than the previous poll, while 27 percent answered they supported the bills, 2 points less than the previous survey. 集団的自衛権の行使などを可能にする安保法案に「反対」は６２％（前回比４ポイント増）、「賛成」は２７％（同２ポイント減）で、前回より賛否の差が広がった。
Only 28 percent said they believed that enacting the security legislation would increase Japan's deterrence against possible armed attacks. On the other hand, 64 percent expressed fears that Japan would face increased risks of being dragged into war as a result of the expansion of Self-Defense Forces overseas missions. 法案成立によって日本に対する武力攻撃への「抑止力が高まる」は２８％にとどまり、自衛隊の海外での活動拡大で「戦争に巻き込まれる恐れが強まる」が６４％に上った。
Nearly 90 percent of the respondents who said they feared that Japan could be dragged into war said they were opposed to the proposed security legislation. 「戦争に巻き込まれる」と答えた層では９割近くが法案に反対した。抑止力と考えるか、戦争に巻き込まれると考えるかは、法案の賛否に密接に関連している。
The latest survey has shown that the public was also becoming increasingly critical of the government's aim of making sure that the bill becomes law during the ongoing Diet session, with 63 percent of the respondents voicing opposition, up 2 points from the previous poll, and 25 percent in favor, a 3-point decline. 安保法案を９月２７日までの今国会で成立させる政府・与党の方針には「反対」が６３％（前回比２ポイント増）を占め、「賛成」は２５％（同３ポイント減）だった。
An overwhelming majority of the pollees, 82 percent, said the government's explanation of the bills was insufficient, despite top government officials' claim that legislators had thorough discussions on the bills in the lower chamber. 政府・与党は衆院での議論は尽くされたと主張したが、国民への説明が「不十分だ」は８２％となお高率だ。
Even supporters of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) were split almost evenly over whether the governing bloc's railroading of the security bills were proper, with 43 percent saying it was a problem and 47 percent answering it was not a problem. こうした中での強行採決には自民支持層でも「問題だ」（４３％）と「問題ではない」（４７％）が拮抗（きっこう）した。
Regarding what the respondents wanted opposition parties to do in deliberating the bills in the House of Councillors, 38 percent said opposition parties should demand that the bills be scrapped outright. Thirty-two percent, meanwhile, answered the parties should demand the bills be modified, while 20 percent replied they should cooperate in deliberations on the bills. 今後始まる参院審議で野党に望む対応は、「法案の撤回を求める」３８％▽「法案の修正を求める」３２％▽「法案の審議に協力する」２０％−−と分かれた。
Many of those who backed opposition parties called for scrapping the bills, but the largest percentage, or 40 percent, of backers of the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) called for modification of the bills. 野党支持層では「撤回」が目立って多いが、維新支持層では「修正」が４割で最多だった。
The approval rating for the LDP was 28 percent and that for the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan came to 10 percent. The figures for the JIP and the LDP's junior coalition partner Komeito and the Japanese Communist Party stood at 6 percent, 4 percent and 5 percent, respectively. 政党支持率は、自民２８％▽民主１０％▽維新６％▽公明４％▽共産５％−−など。
The Yomiuri Shimbun New emission reduction goal should speed up energy-saving measures ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に
It will not be easy to achieve the new reduction target for greenhouse gases adopted by the government, though it was made with an emphasis on its feasibility. To accomplish the target, both the public and private sectors will be required to work together for energy saving. 実現可能性を重視したとはいえ、目標の達成は決して容易ではない。 官民挙げて、省エネルギーに取り組むことが求められる。
The government officially decided and submitted to the United Nations an emissions-reduction target for greenhouse gases to reduce them by 26 percent by fiscal 2030 in comparison to fiscal 2013 emissions. 政府が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を正式決定し、国連に提出した。２０３０年度までに１３年度比で２６％削減する。
The target was made based on Japan’s estimated composition of power sources in 2030. ベースになっているのが、３０年時点の日本の電源構成だ。
According to that estimate, Japan will use less thermal power generation that depends on imported fuel and continue nuclear power generation. The ratio of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power will be increased, too. Under such an energy policy, the highest reduction rate possible was calculated. 燃料を輸入に頼る火力発電を減らし、原発を引き続き利用する。太陽光、風力などの再生可能エネルギーの比率も増やす。こうしたエネルギー政策の下で、可能な限り高い削減率をはじき出した。
Use of nuclear power generation, which does not emit carbon dioxide (CO2), has a very significant meaning as a measure against global warming. Reduction of power generation costs and other issues will pose challenges in generating electricity with renewable energy. 二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出しない原発の活用は、温暖化対策上、極めて重要である。再生エネについては、発電コストの軽減などが大きな課題となろう。
Greenhouse gas emissions have sharply increased from business facilities such as department stores, supermarkets and office buildings. According to the new target, their emissions will be cut by 40 percent. To achieve it, energy-saving lighting equipment and office machines must be introduced. 排出量の増加が著しいのは、デパートやスーパー、オフィスビルなどの業務部門だ。目標では、４割の削減を目指している。省エネ型の照明やＯＡ機器などの導入が欠かせない。
Currently, member countries are working on their own reduction targets toward the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) to be held in Paris at the end of this year. 年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）に向け、各国は削減目標の策定を進めている。
Some of the members — including the United States, China and the European Union — have already submitted their targets to the United Nations. 米国や中国、欧州連合などは、既に国連に提出した。
Onus to cut emissions
If an agreement is made at COP21 on a new framework of measures against global warming from 2020, the members will start working to achieve the goals they have presented. ＣＯＰ２１で２０年以降の温暖化対策の新たな枠組みが合意されれば、各国は、自らが示した目標の達成に取り組むことになる。
It will be significant in the new framework to impose obligations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on every signatory, learning a lesson from the mistake of the Kyoto Protocol that imposed such obligations only on developed countries. We expect Japan to play a leading role in making an equal and fair framework since it has presented a reduction target that stands up to those submitted by the United States and Europe. 新たな枠組みで大切なのは、先進国だけに排出削減義務を負わせた京都議定書の失敗を教訓に、全締約国に対象を広げることだ。米欧と比べても見劣りしない目標を掲げた日本は、公平・公正な枠組み作りを主導してもらいたい。
Also, a mechanism should be built in the framework to make signatories observe their own goals. Only laying out goals will not stop the progression of global warming. 各国に目標を順守させる仕組みも不可欠だ。目標を掲げるだけでは温暖化の進行を防げない。
On the other hand, rigidly obliging the parties to achieve the targets, there would then arise the danger of repeating the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, which was hamstrung because of the non-participation of the United States. 一方で、目標の達成を厳格に義務付ければ、米国の離脱で骨抜きになった京都議定書の二の舞いになりかねない。
From the standpoint of how to accomplish the aim of slashing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions globally, a framework having actual effectiveness must be formulated. What should be done is, for one thing, to oblige each country to report on the progress of its emission reduction measures at regular intervals. It will also be necessary to make signatories check the emission reduction efforts with each other, while prodding each other to raise the targets if possible. In addition, a ban should be placed on all signatories from allowing their respective targets to be lowered. 各国に対策の進捗しんちょく状況の定期報告を義務付ける。相互に検証し、目標の引き上げを促す。目標を後退させることを禁じる――。いかに世界全体の排出量を削減するかという観点で、実効性のある枠組みを作り上げねばならない。
China, which has been under no obligation to cut back emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for one-fourth of the world’s total. How Beijing addresses the challenge of cutting back on emissions is a key to whether the emission reduction efforts of the world can prove successful. 京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない中国は、世界の排出量の４分の１を占める最大排出国だ。中国の取り組みが、温暖化対策のカギを握っている。
Japan, in cooperation with the United States, European countries and others, must urge China to proactively make endeavors for reducing its emissions. 日本は米欧などと協調し、中国に対して積極的な排出削減を促していく必要がある。
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 18 EDITORIAL: Stadium snafu shows failure of Abe’s strong-arm politics （社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s words sounded hollow when he announced his decision July 17 to scrap the much-criticized design of the new National Stadium, the main venue for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games. Abe said he made the decision after “giving careful attention to the voices of the people.” “We want to ensure that the sports events will be praised by the people of the world,” he added. 安倍首相の言葉が空々しい。 「国民の声に耳を傾けて」「世界から称賛される大会に」 ２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックの主会場となる新国立競技場の計画見直しに、首相がやっと重い腰を上げた。
Just one week ago, Abe, speaking in the Diet, rejected the idea of changing the costly design on grounds that construction would not be completed in time for the Olympics if it was altered. わずか１週間前、国会で「時間的に間に合わない」と否定したのは、首相自身だった。
His sudden reversal coincides with the ruling camp’s move to force controversial security legislation through the Lower House, despite growing objections to the package even as Diet deliberations on the bills progressed. 急な心変わりは、審議を重ねるほど異論が高まった安全保障関連法案を、衆院で強引に採決したタイミングと重なり合う。
Abe’s about-face seems to be a ploy to stop the slide in public support for his Cabinet by acting like a leader who is willing to respond to the people’s opinion, at least on the stadium issue. せめて競技場の問題では、民意にこたえる指導者像を演じることで内閣支持率の低落傾向に歯止めをかけたい。そんな戦術と勘ぐられても仕方ない。
The foolish construction plan would have forced spending of a recklessly large amount of taxpayer money amid an unprecedented fiscal squeeze that is facing the nation. 空前の財政難のなか、競技場に無謀な巨費を投じる愚策だった。
The blueprint fell far short of the standards for public works projects, which should be supported by detailed explanations and serious consensus-building efforts, as well as a convincing long-term financing plan for the use of the facility after the completion. 丁寧な説明と合意づくり、完成後もにらんだ長期の収支計画など、公共事業に求められる水準にほど遠い代物だった。
“I have decided to take the current plan back to the drawing board and re-examine (the project) from scratch,” Abe told reporters at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo in announcing his inevitable change of policy. 「白紙に戻し、ゼロベースで見直す」（首相）との方針転換は至極当たり前の決定である。
It goes without saying that the Abe administration, the Tokyo metropolitan government, the Olympic organizing committee and other parties involved should now craft a down-to-earth construction plan for the stadium that contributes to promoting grass-roots sports in the future. They should also fulfill their international responsibility to organize a successful Olympics and Paralympics in 2020. 政府と東京都、大会組織委員会など各関係組織は、五輪・パラリンピックを成功させる国際責任を果たすとともに、後世の国民スポーツの底上げに資する堅実な計画を練り直すべきなのは言うまでもない。
FUZZY RESPONSIBILITY ■あいまいな責任所在
However, the key question is why this obvious decision had been delayed for so long. Why was the plan kept unchanged until now, despite being so clearly and seriously flawed? 問題の核心はむしろ、なぜ、この土壇場まで決断ができなかったのか、である。誰の目にも明らかな問題案件であり続けたにもかかわらず、なぜ止められずにここまできたのか。
This prolonged delay in tackling the problem points to one of the deep-rooted problems with the nation’s ailing governing system: a fuzziness about who is responsible for what. そこには、日本の病んだ統治システムの姿が浮かび上がる。すなわち、責任の所在のあいまいさである。
Hakubun Shimomura, the sports minister, tried to avoid taking the blame by saying he did not receive related information in a timely manner, while the Japan Sports Council, the operator of the stadium project, said the sports ministry is responsible for making the decision to change the plan. 下村文科相は情報が上がってくるのが遅れたと逃げ、事業主体の日本スポーツ振興センターは、計画変更の判断は文科省に責任があると押しつけあった。
Yoshiro Mori, the former prime minister and president of the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, who previously called for the construction of a grand stadium even if it cost 300 billion yen or 400 billion yen ($2.4 billion or $3.2 billion), had the effrontery to say on July 17, “I didn’t like the design of the stadium from the beginning. Nobody is responsible (for the fiasco).” ３千億円でも４千億円でも立派なものをと主張してきた大会組織委の森喜朗会長はきのう、「僕は元々、あのスタジアムは嫌だった」「誰も責任はない」と言い放った。
The government’s explanation about the construction plan raised a raft of questions. One was how it intended to finance the project--estimated construction costs have almost doubled from the original budget to 252 billion yen--and cover the running costs after completion. But the government just kept waffling. 当初予算からほぼ倍増した建設費と、完成後の維持費をどう工面するのか。政府の説明にはいくつも疑問が突きつけられ、あやふやに終始した。
After Abe’s announcement of the change of course, Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe angrily said, “Who will take the responsibility?” That’s a reasonable question. But it is still unclear who of all the people involved, including the capital’s governor, is ultimately responsible for the project. 「誰が責任をとるのか」。舛添要一・都知事が漏らした怒りの声はもっともだったが、その知事も含めて今に至るも、誰が最終責任者なのかが見えない。
According to an Asahi Shimbun report, one Diet member made surprising remarks about the issue. “Nobody dares to hang a bell to the cat’s neck as the ultimate responsibility (for the project) has to fall on the two prime ministers of Abe and Mori,” the lawmaker was quoted as saying. 本紙が報じた国会議員の発言は驚くほかなかった。「責任の行き着く先は、安倍晋三と森喜朗という２人の首相になるから誰も鈴を付ける人がいない」
People in power get their own way by using their clout. That’s the reality of the Japanese political community that has been highlighted by this stadium snafu. In this domain, it seems, the prime minister and other political heavyweights act like absolute monarchs, and even members of the same party cannot challenge their opinions and decisions. 権力を握った者がにらみをきかせれば、無理が通る――。露呈したのは、首相や有力政治家が絶対君主のようにふるまい、たとえ同じ政党のメンバーでも異論を言えない。そんな日本の政界の有り様である。
PUBLIC OPINION CONSTANTLY IGNORED ■民意軽視が常態化
Made under growing pressure from public opinion, Abe’s decision to change the stadium design also speaks volumes about how his style of politics has ceased to work. 世論に押された末の今回の決定は、安倍流政治の行き詰まりも物語っている。
Even as the stadium project went adrift, the Abe administration consistently refused to pay attention to dissenting voices. It has become the norm for responsible policymakers in the government to ignore public opinion. This is a serious problem. 競技場問題が迷走した過程で一貫していたのは、異論を遠ざける姿勢だった。政策決定の責任者たちが、国民の声に耳をふさぐことが常態化している問題は深刻だ。
The stadium’s design, chosen through an international competition, has been roundly criticized by architects and civic organizations from the start. Critics have said the design does not blend with the surrounding landscape. They have also argued it will be too gigantic and construction costs could snowball. 「デザインが景観にそぐわない」「巨大すぎる」「工費が膨れあがりかねない」。国際コンペで採用されたデザインについては当初から、建築界や市民団体から異論が噴出していた。
There have been many opportunities for the government to reconsider the plan, including the time when the basic design blueprint was approved in May last year. Shimomura pointed out that the design was determined when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power, in what sounded like an attempt to shuffle off responsibility onto the opposition party. 昨年５月に基本設計案を了承した時も含め、見直す機会は何度もあった。デザインが決まったのは「民主党政権のときだ」と下村文科相は責任転嫁めいた釈明もした。
But the Abe administration should do serious soul-searching about the fact that it has missed out on all the opportunities to rethink the plan. だが、ことごとく引き返すチャンスを逃してきたのは安倍政権だったことを猛省すべきだ。
SAME MIND-SET FOR OTHER KEY ISSUES ■安保と原発にも通底
The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to ignore public opinion, avoid its responsibility to explain its actions, and go ahead with policy decisions for the nation’s future that are not based on solid ground. 民意を顧みず、説明責任を避け、根拠薄弱なまま将来にわたる国策の決定を強行する――。
The stadium issue is not the only example that attests to this tendency of the administration. The same mind-set has also been behind the way the administration has handled the package of security bills and moved to restart offline nuclear reactors, which are issues of grave concern for the public. それは競技場問題に限った話ではない。国民が重大な関心を寄せる安保関連法案や、原発関連行政にも通底する特徴だ。
During the Diet debate on the security legislation, the prime minister and other members of the Cabinet made many unintelligible remarks while failing to answer people’s doubts and questions. 首相や閣僚らが意味不明な国会答弁を重ね、国民の疑問は置き去りにされている安保法案。
The administration is forging ahead with plans to bring idle reactors back online without making clear who takes the ultimate responsibility for the safety of the people. 国民の安全に関する最終責任がどこにあるのか見えないまま、再稼働に突き進もうとしている原発の問題。
Many Japanese have voiced clear and strong concerns about these two initiatives. そのいずれでも国民の多数がはっきりと強い懸念を示している。
Abe has been trying to push them through by using the ruling camp’s majority in the Diet while paying little respect to dissenting opinions even though these initiatives have a direct bearing on people’s lives and safety. 国民の命と安全に直結する問題だというのに、首相は国会での数の力で押し通し、異論に敬意を払おうとしない。
Since those in power pay no heed to what the people say, it is not surprising that scholars and citizens are becoming increasingly vocal in expressing objections to his policies. 政治権力者が民意に耳をふさぐなら、学者や市民の異議申し立てが熱を帯びるのは当然だ。
The administration should not alienate people from politics any further. これ以上、政治と国民の距離を広げてはならない。
In explaining the reasons for his sudden decision to rethink the stadium plan, Abe said, “Each Japanese and each athlete has to play a leading role.” 急に競技場計画を見直す理由として、首相は「主役は国民一人ひとり、アスリートの皆さんです」と語った。
If that is how he truly feels, Abe should realize that each individual member of the public should play a leading role in making decisions on all policy issues, including security and nuclear power issues. ならば安保も原発も、あらゆる政治課題でも、主役は国民一人ひとりであることを悟るべきだ。
The stadium debacle offers a wide range of important lessons for the administration to glean. 今回の競技場問題から、くむべき教訓は広く、重い。
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 17 EDITORIAL: Upper House should respond to public anger, doubts about security bills （社説）法案、参院へ 怒りと疑問にこたえよ
Every day, thundering, layered chants by people of all generations and political stripes echo around the Diet building. “Don’t decide by yourself,” they vociferate in protest against the security legislation now moving through the Diet. “Don’t make light of the people.” 「勝手に決めるな」 「国民なめるな」 世代や党派を超えた重層的な抗議のコールが連日、国会周辺の空気を震わせている。
With these cries, they are asking, “Is this really democracy?” and expressing anger about not being respected as “the people with whom sovereign power resides.” 「これが民主主義か」という疑問。「主権者は私たちだ」という怒り。
Arrogantly brushing aside the questions and anger raised by the legislation, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito on July 16 forced the package of national security bills through the Lower House. それらを大いに喚起しつつ傲然（ごうぜん）と振り払い、自民、公明の与党はきのう、安全保障関連法案を衆院通過させた。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to assume that the people will eventually forget the way the legislation was rammed through the house. But the people who have sovereign power will never forget the Abe administration’s contempt for them. 強行しても「国民は忘れる」。安倍政権のこの侮りを、主権者は決して忘れないだろう。
Now, it is the Upper House’s turn to debate the legislation. 論戦の舞台は参院に移る。
The Upper House has been described, correctly or not, as “the seat of common sense” and “the chamber for reconsideration.” 「良識の府」「再考の府」。参院はまがりなりにもそう称されてきた。
In contrast to “politics of numbers” practiced at the Lower House, the Upper House is said to be the arena for “politics of reason.” 衆院の「数の政治」に対して「理の政治」。
The Upper House’s original mission is to ensure cautious and thoughtful debate at the Diet. 国会をより慎重に動かす。そんな役割を本来は担っている。
The Upper House cannot be dissolved for a snap election, and its members don’t lose their seats during their six-year terms, two years longer than those for Lower House lawmakers, who could lose their jobs before completing their terms. This is because the Upper House is supposed to consider bills and issues from a longer and different perspective than the Lower House and adopt a multifaceted approach to dealing with them. 解散がなく、６年という長い任期が保障されているのも、衆院議員とは異なる目線と射程の長さで、ものごとを多元的に検討することが企図されている。
The system is based on the notion that conclusions and decisions reached through clashes over differing values and opinions are less likely to be misguided ones. 様々な価値観や異なる意見のせめぎ合いから導かれた結論の方が、間違いが少ないからだ。
But this important principle of pluralism has been under crushing political pressure from the Abe administration. ところが安倍政権下、まさにその多元性が押しつぶされそうになっている。
The administration has imposed its view about the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense on the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, which traditionally said Japan is not allowed to exercise that right, by replacing its chief. 集団的自衛権は行使できないとしてきた内閣法制局を、人事を通じて我がものとする。
A group of the prime minister’s personal advisers, who are all his friends and allies, issued a report endorsing Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The LDP has also made a series of moves to intimidate news media. 首相の「お仲間」で固めた私的懇談会が「行使容認」の報告書を出す。メディアを威圧しようとする自民党の動きも続く。
Simply playing ball with the Abe administration’s “politics of numbers” would be tantamount to political suicide for the Upper House because one reason for the chamber’s existence is the importance of political pluralism. Playing ball would only reinforce the lingering argument for abolishing the Upper House. 多元性の確保が存在意義のひとつである参院であればこそ、安倍政権の「数の政治」に追従すれば、自殺行為になる。くすぶる不要論にまた根拠が加わるだろう。
A long list of topics related to the security legislation need to be discussed at the Upper House. 議論すべきことは山ほどある。
For one, the government has failed to offer any convincing reply to the arguments of most constitutional scholars that the legislation is unconstitutional. 大多数の憲法学者の「違憲」の指摘に、政府は全く反論できていない。
The government has also failed to make clear in what situations Japan can engage in collective self-defense. Abe has only repeated that the decision will be based on a “comprehensive judgment.” The administration’s attitude has only raised deep concerns among the public, leaving many people wondering whether Abe’s words mean the government should be given carte blanche to make such decisions. どんな場合に集団的自衛権を行使できるのか、安倍首相は「総合的判断」と繰り返すばかりで、要は時の政権に白紙委任しろということかと、不安は高まる一方だ。
A wave of protests against this legislation has spread to a wide range of people, including academics, students, legal experts and independent citizens, across the nation. Driving this growing wave of protest is a sense of urgency about the crisis that is threatening to destroy this nation’s democracy and constitutionalism. This concern is shared widely by both proponents and opponents of the legislation. 学者、学生、法曹界、無党派市民。各界各層、各地に抗議の動きが広がり続ける背景には、安保法案への賛否を超えて、この国の民主主義、立憲主義がこのままでは壊されてしまうとの危機感がある。
The members of the Diet who are discussing this legislation are lawmakers chosen through an electoral system that was declared to be in “a state of unconstitutionality” by the Supreme Court and who have been dragging their feet on rectifying the situation. そもそも、この違憲の可能性が極めて高い法案を審議するのは、最高裁に「違憲状態」と指摘された選挙制度によって選ばれ、その是正にすらまごついている人たちなのだ。
Whom do they represent? If they want to answer this question, Upper House members should demonstrate their commitment to “politics of reason.” あなたたちは何を代表しているのか？ この問いに少しでも答えたいなら「理の政治」を打ち立てるしかない。
They should remember that the people who hold the sovereign power will be watching their actions with a watchful and suspicious eye. 主権者は注意深く、疑いの目で見ている。
The ruling coalition led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe railroaded a package of controversial security bills through a Lower House special committee on July 15. 安倍政権が、衆院の特別委員会で安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。
For Abe, getting the bills passed by the committee represents a step forward toward in delivering on his promise to enact the legislation by this summer. He made the pledge during his April 29 address to a joint meeting of the U.S. House and Senate. 安倍首相にとっては、米議会で約束した法整備の「夏までの成就」に近づいたことになる。
Even now, however, it cannot be said that the package of bills is widely understood by the Japanese public. だが、ここに至ってもなお、法案に対する国民の納得は広がっていない。
That’s hardly surprising. As the Diet spent more time on debating them, more contradictions in the legislation came to light, raising fresh doubts. それはそうだろう。審議を重ねれば重ねるほど法案の矛盾があらわになり、疑問が膨らむ。
The situation was so miserable that even Abe himself had to admit, shortly before the vote, that public understanding of the legislation has not advanced much. 首相自身が採決直前になっても「国民の理解が進んでいる状況ではない」と認めざるを得ないほどの惨状である。
CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY ■民主主義への挑戦
Yet, the Abe administration plowed on regardless. The ruling camp used its parliamentary majority to get its way, even though the bills have been judged to be “unconstitutional” by many members of the public, constitutional scholars, former chiefs of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau and a wide range of other experts. This is an outrageous action that takes a majority force’s arrogance and irresponsibility to the extreme. 政権はそれでも採決を押し切った。多くの国民、憲法学者や弁護士、内閣法制局長官ＯＢ、幅広い分野の有識者らが「憲法違反」と認める法案を数の力で押し通す。多数のおごりと無責任が極まった暴挙である。
This move is not just a rebellion against constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. It is also a serious challenge to the value of the democratic system Japan has been building up during the 70 years since the end of World War II. それは憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義への反逆にとどまらない。戦後日本が７０年かけて積み上げてきた民主主義の価値に対する、重大な挑戦ではないか。
Let us keep in our memory a statement Abe repeated in the process of the deliberations on the proposed legislation. 審議の過程で、首相が繰り返した言葉を記憶にとどめたい。
“After mature and exhaustive debate, the decision should be made when the time is ripe for the decision. That is the proper way of parliamentary democracy.” 「熟議を尽くしたうえで、決める時には決める。これは議会制民主主義の王道であろう」
But we must say that if Diet deliberations are not intended as a serious effort to build a consensus with the public and are evaluated only by the amount of time spent, they cannot qualify as “mature debate.” だが、国民との合意形成に意を尽くそうとせず、ただ時間の長さだけで測る国会審議を「熟議」とは呼べない。
Even though it won a parliamentary majority in the last election, the ruling camp has no right to contravene the basic principles of the Constitution like pacifism and challenge the fundamental values of democracy by making such a vital security policy decision on the basis of “a majority vote without mature debate.” 選挙で多数を得たからと言って、「熟議なき多数決」によって、平和主義をはじめとする憲法の理念、民主主義の価値をひっくり返す。
If that is the Abe administration’s approach to democracy, we can never support it. それが安倍政権の民主主義だというなら、決してくみすることはできない。
Let us look back on the Abe administration’s track record to date. これまでの安倍政権の歩みを振り返ってみよう。
Prior to the Cabinet decision last summer to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, the administration established its own National Security Council, which makes it possible for a small number of ministers to make security policy decisions. At the same time, the administration went ahead with the controversial state secrets protection law. 集団的自衛権の行使を認める昨夏の閣議決定に先立ち、少人数の閣僚だけで安全保障上の意思決定ができるようにする国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）を発足させた。あわせて成立させたのが特定秘密保護法だ。
If the national security legislation is enacted, the government will be able to make decisions on the use of weapons by the Self-Defense Forces anywhere on the earth, even if Japan is not under attack. And the decisions can be made in a process that is not subject to public or parliamentary scrutiny. 法案が成立すれば、国民や国会の目が届かない場で、日本に対する攻撃がなくても、地球のどこでも自衛隊による武力行使に踏み込む判断ができる。
Such decisions will be based merely on a “comprehensive judgment” by the prime minister and a small number of other Cabinet members. よりどころとなるのは首相や一握りの閣僚らによる「総合的な判断」である。
While the government will have broad discretion in making security policy decisions, there will be no legal guarantee of sufficient involvement in the decision-making process even by the Diet. 政権に幅広い裁量がゆだねられ、国民の代表である国会の関与すら十分に担保されていない。
There have been other episodes that help illustrate the Abe administration’s views about democracy, which clearly put the state before the people and public interest before individual interest. 国民より国家。個人より公。 そんな安倍政権の民主主義観がうかがえる出来事はほかにもある。
In one such episode that is still fresh in our memory, the Liberal Democratic Party made a series of intimidating remarks that raised concerns about freedom of expression. One ruling party lawmaker called for “punishing” the news media and said, “advertisers should voluntarily boycott media that are misleading Japan.” 記憶に新しいのは「マスコミを懲らしめる」「国を過（あやま）てるような報道をするマスコミには広告を自粛すべきだ」など、表現の自由にかかわる自民党議員の一連の報道威圧発言だ。
GROWING THREATS TO FREEDOM ■相次ぐ自由への威圧
The LDP also called into question the appropriateness of specific programs aired by Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) and TV Asahi, and summoned executives of these broadcasters for questioning. Prior to last year’s Lower House election, the party sent letters to TV broadcasters urging them to ensure “fair and neutral” reporting on the election. ＮＨＫやテレビ朝日の特定番組を問題視し、事情聴取に呼びつける。衆院選の際には各局に「公平中立、公正の確保」を求める文書を送りつける。
This is not an issue for news organizations alone. Regulating freedom of expression and freedom of speech could lead to restrictions on the people’s right to know. That would be tantamount to trampling on the rights of the people as a whole. 報道機関だけの問題ではない。表現の自由、言論の自由を規制することは、国民の「知る権利」の制限につながる。国民全体に対する権利の侵害にほかならないのだ。
The education minister has urged national universities to make sure that the national flag is hoisted and the anthem sung during ceremonies. The LDP has also turned up the heat on teachers in response to the scheduled lowering of the voting age to 18. The party has put strong pressure on teachers to maintain “political neutrality” with the threat of punishment. 国立大学の式典での国旗掲揚や国歌斉唱を文部科学相が要請した。１８歳選挙権に向けて若者への主権者教育に取り組もうという教師たちに、罰則をちらつかせて「政治的な中立性」を求める自民党の動きもあった。
Freedom of expression and academic freedom mean that activities like news reporting, academic research and education can be pursued freely without any restriction or intervention by the government. These freedoms, which are the foundations of healthy democracy, are now threatened by people who control permit and license rights as well as public funds. 権力に縛られることなく自由に報道し、研究し、教育する。健全な民主主義をはぐくむ基盤である表現や学問の自由に対し、許認可権やカネを背景に威圧する事態が進んでいる。
Ruling party heavyweight Shigeru Ishiba, minister in charge of revitalizing local economies, recently stated that the LDP will "face a crisis when people increasingly begin to feel that there is something obnoxious (about the party)." But it is the people’s freedom and rights that are facing a crisis. 石破地方創生相は「『なんか感じ悪いよね』という国民の意識が高まった時に、自民党は危機を迎える」と語ったが、危機を迎えているのは国民の自由や権利の方ではないか。
The draft proposal to rewrite the Constitution that the LDP decided on three years ago, when it was in opposition, contains an element that symbolically suggests the party’s basic stance toward these democratic values. 自民党が野党だった３年前に決めた憲法改正草案に、その底流が象徴的に表れている。
The draft would set certain conditions for freedom of expression that is completely and unconditionally guaranteed by the Constitution. It says, “Activities aimed at harming public interest and public order” shall not be allowed. 草案は、一切の表現の自由を保障した現憲法に「公益及び公の秩序を害することを目的とした活動」は認められない、とした例外を付け加えている。
GAME NOT OVER YET ■決着はついていない
As Abe and other top policymakers in the ruling camp say, some significant changes have occurred in the international environment surrounding Japan. This includes China’s rise as a major power. 中国の台頭をはじめ、国際環境が変化しているのは首相らが言う通りだ。
And, quite rightly, political leaders are responsible for considering new security policy responses to such changes. それに応じた安全保障政策を検討することも、確かに「政治の責任」だ。
If, as a result of such a policy review, policymakers believe Japan needs to be allowed to exercise the right to collective self-defense or to provide logistic support to the forces of other countries as part of its international contribution, political leaders should first explain their views to the public and then seek to amend the Constitution through formal procedures, which would entail holding a national referendum on the issue. That is how this radical shift in security policy should be carried out in our democracy. ただ、その結果として集団的自衛権の行使が必要なら、あるいは国際貢献策として他国軍への後方支援が必要と考えるなら、まず国民に説明し、国民投票を含む憲法改正の手続きを踏むことが、民主主義国として避けて通れぬ筋道である。
Ignoring this rule seriously undermines the very foundation for Japan’s identity as a country under the rule of law. これを無視しては、法治国家としての基盤が崩れる。
We cannot accept the Abe administration’s mistaken views about democracy, which seems to assume that the majority force can do whatever it likes. 法案をこのまま成立させ、「多数派が絶対」という安倍政権の誤った民主主義観を追認することはできない。
The battle is not over yet. We call on the Abe administration to pay serious attention to the voices of the people with whom sovereign power resides instead of paying lip service to the importance of “mature debate.” まだ決着したわけではない。口先だけの「熟議」ではなく、主権者である国民の声を聞くことを安倍政権に求める。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Agreement on Greek debt warrants no optimism that crisis has ended ギリシャ合意 危機回避へまだ楽観できない
At a summit meeting, 19 eurozone countries within the European Union agreed in principle to resume support for Greece. 欧州連合（ＥＵ）のユーロ圏１９か国の首脳会議が、ギリシャ支援の再開で原則合意した。
The key accord is to provide support of up to €86 billion (about ¥11.7 trillion) over a three-year period. 今後３年間に最大８６０億ユーロ（１１・７兆円）の支援を実施することが柱だ。
It is laudable that after marathon negotiations lasting 17 hours they avoided a rupture that could have led to Greece’s financial collapse and its exit from the eurozone for the moment. １７時間に及ぶ「マラソン協議」の末、決裂によるギリシャの財政破綻やユーロ圏離脱を、ひとまず回避したことは評価できる。
However, as a condition for extending this support, Greece is required to legislate by Wednesday structural reforms to reduce pensions, raise taxes and other measures. There is no reason to be optimistic. ただし、支援の実施は、ギリシャが１５日までに年金削減や増税などの構造改革を法制化することが条件だ。楽観は禁物だろう。
The administration of Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras must make every possible effort for the legislation within the time limit so as not to rekindle the crisis. チプラス政権は、危機を再燃させないため、期限内の法制化に全力を挙げなければならない。
The main cause of the tortuous negotiations lies in Tsipras’ insincere and irresponsible attitude toward them. 協議が迷走した最大の原因は、チプラス首相の不誠実かつ無責任な交渉姿勢にある。
In addition to continually putting off submission of draft proposals for reforms that the EU sought, Tsipras abruptly decided to hold a national referendum on whether to accept fiscal austerity. He called on the Greek public to vote “no” so he could be in a better position in negotiations. ＥＵ側が求めた改革案の提示を先送りし続けた揚げ句、唐突に緊縮財政の是非を問う国民投票に踏み切った。チプラス氏は、交渉を有利にできるとして、国民に「反対」を呼び掛けた。
Although more people voted “no” in the referendum than otherwise, the agreement this time has imposed stricter conditions on Greece, including the sale of state-owned assets worth €50 billion. 投票の結果、反対派が勝利したものの、今回の合意では５００億ユーロ相当の国有財産売却など、一段と厳しい条件をつけられた。
It is the price that Greece has to pay for being too clever by half, resulting in increasing distrust from Germany and other countries. 場当たり的に様々な策を弄し、ドイツをはじめ各国の不信感を増幅させたツケである。
Challenge for Tsipras
The referendum left Tsipras facing a heavy challenge domestically — how to explain an agreement containing austerity measures to people who opposed such measures, and then how to obtain their understanding. 「反緊縮」の民意を示した国民に、緊縮策の受け入れを前提とした合意をどう説明し、理解を得るのか。国民投票は、ギリシャの内政にも重い課題を残した。
Even within the ruling party, there is a force that opposes the austerity measures. There is concern that Tsipras’ political foundation could be undermined and the government may not be able to implement the agreed fiscal reconstruction measures. 与党内からも、緊縮策の受け入れに異を唱える造反勢力が現れている。チプラス氏の政権基盤が揺らぎ、合意した財政再建策を実行できなくなる懸念もあろう。
Due to three rounds of financial support from 2010, the debt incurred by Greece will exceed €300 billion. Unless Greece rebuilds its flagging economy, it will not be able to continue to repay its debts. The country must rapidly reform its ineffective industrial structure and achieve economic independence. ２０１０年から今回まで３次にわたる金融支援で、ギリシャが負った債務は総額３０００億ユーロを超える。低迷する経済を立て直さないと、返済は継続できまい。非効率な産業構造を改革し、経済の自立を急がねばならない。
The Greek issue again shows in bold relief the contradiction of the euro system. ギリシャ問題は、ユーロ体制の矛盾も改めて浮き彫りにした。
Eurozone countries have adopted a concerted financial policy under the common euro, but engage in fiscal management independently. Therefore, they suffer from a structural problem — they cannot reduce the economic gap among member nations through fiscal policies, thereby widening the disparity. 共通通貨の下、金融政策は一つだが、財政は各国が独自に運営している。このため、各国間の経済格差を財政政策で調整できず、さらに格差が広がるという、構造的な問題を抱えている。
Germany and northern European countries, which are healthy economically and fiscally, asked Greece for stern fiscal discipline, while France and southern European countries, such as Italy, which are economically and fiscally uncertain, showed a sympathetic attitude toward Greece. 経済と財政の健全なドイツや北欧の国が、ギリシャに厳しい財政規律を求めたのに対し、自国も景気や財政に不安のあるフランスやイタリアなどの南欧諸国は、ギリシャに同情的だった。
To maintain eurozone unity, it is important not to exacerbate this “north-south problem.” ユーロ圏の結束を維持するには、この「南北問題」を先鋭化させないことが重要である。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Look squarely at international threats when debating security legislation 安保法案公聴会 国際秩序の危機を直視したい
Amid the increasing security threats Japan faces, enhancing deterrence and buttressing the Japan-U.S. alliance must be tackled urgently. This insight and the alarm felt by experts on international politics must be taken seriously. 日本の安全保障上の脅威が増大する中、抑止力の向上と日米同盟の強化が急務だ――。国際政治の専門家の知見と危機感を重く受け止めたい。
Testifying during a public hearing held Monday at the House of Representatives special committee on security-related legislation, former diplomat Yukio Okamoto, who was recommended for testimony by the ruling parties, said, “It’s impossible for Japan to protect the lives of Japanese people and vessels single-handedly.” Okamoto was commenting on the sea-lanes between the Middle East and Japan. As reasons for his position, he cited destabilization in the Middle East, rampant activities of radical militant organizations and pirates, and China’s expanded maritime presence. 衆院平和安全法制特別委員会が中央公聴会を開いた。 与党推薦の元外交官の岡本行夫氏は、中東から日本への海上交通路に関して「日本人の生命と船舶を守るのは日本単独では無理だ」と主張した。中東の不安定化、過激派組織や海賊の横行、中国の海洋進出などを理由に挙げた。
Referring to the significance of the security legislation, Okamoto said it would benefit Japan to “take part in a community to protect itself from the violence of a foreign enemy.” 安全保障関連法案の意義について、「外敵の暴力から身を守り合うコミュニティー（共同体）に参加することだ」とも強調した。
With the progress of military technology and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, no country can today keep peace single-handedly. 軍事技術の進展や大量破壊兵器の拡散などで、もはやどの国も一国のみでは平和は保てない。
Japan, which relies on trade for its survival, enjoys the benefits of international peace. So it is natural for it to contribute proactively to world stability, which also leads to ensuring security for the country. 貿易立国の日本は国際平和の恩恵を享受する。世界の安定に積極的に貢献するのは当然だ。それが日本の安全確保にもつながる。
Doshisha University President Koji Murata stressed the need for bolstering the Japan-U.S. alliance by referring to a change in the world’s power balance caused by the emergence of China and the decline of U.S. influence. 村田晃嗣・同志社大学長は、中国の台頭と米国の影響力低下というパワーバランスの変化を踏まえて、日米同盟の強化を訴えた。
In connection with the fact that many constitutional scholars have concluded the government-proposed security bills are unconstitutional, Murata said: “Many experts on security issues will affirmatively respond to the bills. Constitutional scholars do not represent all scholars.” 憲法学者が法案を「違憲」と決めつけていることを念頭に、「多くの安全保障専門家は肯定的回答をするのではないか。学者は憲法学者だけでない」と指摘した。
Discretion for government
Given the fluidity of international affairs, Murata said it was unavoidable for the definition of a “survival threatening situation” — a condition allowing for a limited exercise of the right of collective self-defense — to remain ambiguous. 国際情勢の流動化に伴い、集団的自衛権を限定行使する「存立危機事態」の定義に曖昧さが残るのはやむを得ない、とも語った。
Determination of such situations is something that should be made by a sitting government while making an overall assessment of the circumstances at sites of conflict and the state of international affairs. Self-Defense Forces cannot be mobilized effectively unless a government is granted a certain degree of discretionary power. 事態の認定は、時の政権が現場の状況や国際情勢などを総合的に勘案し、判断すべきものだ。政権に一定の裁量権がなければ、効果的な自衛隊の運用はできない。
Ryuichi Ozawa, professor at the Jikei University School of Medicine, who was recommended by the opposition camp, called for abandoning the bills, saying they are “unconstitutional.” Commenting on the right of collective self-defense, Sota Kimura, associate professor at Tokyo Metropolitan University, said, “Use of military force when an armed attack on Japan has not been launched is by definition unconstitutional.” 野党推薦の小沢隆一・東京慈恵会医科大教授は、「違憲性がある」として安保法案の廃案を求めた。木村草太・首都大学東京准教授は集団的自衛権に関し、「日本への武力攻撃の着手がない段階での武力行使は違憲だ」と述べた。
But as for the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, strict criteria have been set, including threats that would undermine the people’s rights. Approving the exercise of the right is in line with judicial judgments and government interpretations that approve of self-defense measures to ensure the country’s survival. So it is not correct to assert the use of the right is unconstitutional. だが、集団的自衛権の行使には、国民の権利が覆されるなどの厳格な要件が定められている。自国の存立を全うする自衛措置を容認した司法判断や政府見解に沿っており、違憲の主張は当たらない。
Prof. Jiro Yamaguchi of Hosei University dismissed the security legislation as deviating from what is allowed under the principle of “an exclusively defensive security policy.” But use of military force in situations threatening Japan’s survival is assumed to be in line with the exclusively defensive security policy. 山口二郎・法政大教授は、安保法案が「専守防衛を逸脱する」と断じたが、日本の存立が脅かされる事態での武力行使は、専守防衛の範囲内のはずだ。
About 110 hours have been spent on deliberations on security legislation. In a wide-ranging debate, it seems that all questionable points have been presented for discussion. 安保法案の審議は約１１０時間に達した。広範な論点が提起され、質問は出尽くした感がある。
Now that the public hearing, a prerequisite for a vote on the bills, has ended, it can be said that lower house deliberations on the matter are entering a final stage. 法案採決の前提となる中央公聴会を終えたことで、衆院審議は大詰めを迎えたと言えよう。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Get nuclear fuel cycle program on track for government initiative 核燃料サイクル 政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ
The nuclear fuel cycle project — which aims to reuse spent nuclear fuel to generate power — is undoubtedly an important undertaking for Japan, a country that lacks sufficient energy resources. エネルギー資源に乏しい日本にとって、原子力発電所から出る使用済み核燃料を再利用する「核燃料サイクル」は、重要な事業である。
A solid framework must be constructed to ensure that the plan is carried out. 着実に進展させる体制を構築せねばならない。
An expert panel of the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry is poised to establish a working group that will study the future management structure of Japan Nuclear Fuel Ltd. (JNFL), the company at the heart of the project. 事業の中核企業である「日本原燃」の今後の経営形態について、経済産業省の有識者会議が、作業部会を設けて検討を始める。
One issue of key importance is whether the government should become more deeply involved in the firm’s operations. 焦点は、日本原燃の経営に政府がどこまで関与を深めるかだ。
Japan’s nuclear energy programs have been implemented on a “government-led, privately operated” basis, whereby utilities address the task of materializing specific projects based on government policy. 日本の原子力事業は、政府が立案した政策に基づき、電力会社が具体化に取り組む「国策民営」方式で進められてきた。
The JNFL has been overseeing the planned reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, in which uranium and plutonium will be recovered to produce a new type of nuclear fuel. In terms of personnel and funding, the company has been fully supported by electric power companies. 日本原燃は、使用済み核燃料を再処理してウランやプルトニウムを取り出し、新たな核燃料に加工する事業を担う。電力各社が人材と資金面で、日本原燃を全面的に支えてきた。
But the current situation is serious. Though the construction of the firm’s spent nuclear fuel reprocessing complex in the village of Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture, is now in its final stages, the project has fallen nearly 20 years behind schedule. だが、現状は深刻である。青森県六ヶ所村で進む再処理工場の建設は最終段階にあるものの、予定より２０年近く遅れている。
Once the Nuclear Regulation Authority completes its evaluation of the Rokkasho project, the start of the reprocessing plant’s operations will be in sight. Now is a critical time for getting the envisioned nuclear fuel cycle program on track. The government must act responsibly in tackling the funding and managerial challenges facing the JNFL. 原子力規制委員会の審査が完了すれば、ようやく操業開始が見えてくる。核燃料サイクルを軌道に乗せるうえで大切な時期だ。政府が責任を持って、資金や経営の課題に対処すべきだ。
Utilities must pull own weight
The idea of converting the JNFL into a government-authorized corporation has been circulating within the government. The proposed transformation, which is aimed mainly at strengthening the government’s supervisory power, would allow the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry to have a say in the appointment of the corporation’s executives and related matters. 政府内では、日本原燃を認可法人とする案が浮上している。監督権限を強めることが、主な狙いだ。役員選任などの際に、経産省が関与できるようになる。
However, some believe that the move could deprive its operations of flexibility. Concerns are also being voiced in Aomori Prefecture, which is hosting the facility, that the transformation plan could have an adverse impact on employment and the regional economy by reducing the chances of local residents being hired. 一方で、認可法人化は、経営の柔軟性を奪いかねないとの指摘がある。青森県では、地元採用の減少など、雇用や地域経済への悪影響を懸念する声もある。
The ministry panel’s working group of experts must hold in-depth discussions on the pros and cons of giving the JNFL the status of a government-authorized entity. 有識者会議の作業部会では、認可法人化の是非について、踏み込んだ議論が求められる。
The prolongation of the NRA’s safety screening process has left every utility in difficulty. If the retail electricity market is fully liberalized next spring as scheduled, industry competition is certain to intensify, making the business climate even more stringent. The negative repercussions of liberalization could even affect the JNFL, which has been heavily dependent on power firms for its own revenues. 規制委による原発の安全審査の長期化で、電力各社は苦境に陥っている。電力の小売りが来春から全面自由化されれば、競争が激化し、経営は一層厳しくなろう。影響は、電力各社に収益を依存する日本原燃にも及ぶ恐れがある。
The estimated total cost of building the reprocessing complex is about ¥11 trillion. To finance its construction, the JNFL plans to have the reprocessing plant operate for 40 years. 再処理工場の総事業費は、約１１兆円と見積もられている。日本原燃は、工場を４０年間稼働させ、資金を回収する方針だ。
Should the business of the JNFL come to a standstill, it would likely become difficult to continue the nuclear fuel cycle program. In such an event, there would be nowhere to dispose of spent nuclear fuel, which would thereby jeopardize the stable operations of nuclear power plants. 事業を手がける日本原燃の経営が行き詰まれば、核燃料サイクルの継続は難しくなる。各地の原発から出る使用済み核燃料の行き場がなくなり、原発の安定的な稼働に支障が生じる。
To establish a sustainable nuclear fuel cycle, it is imperative that each utility uphold its share of the burden in backing the JNFL, even after the electricity market is fully liberalized. 持続可能な核燃料サイクルを確立するためには、電力各社が、電力の全面自由化後も、応分の負担を続けることが欠かせない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Merged constituencies unavoidable for upper house electoral reform 参院選制度改革 「合区」の導入もやむを得ない
Planned electoral reforms for the House of Councillors represent a major institutional change, as they reexamine the prefecture-based electoral system that the public has been widely familiar with for many years. 長年、国民に広く定着している都道府県単位の選挙区を見直す、大きな制度変更である。
The Liberal Democratic Party has decided on a reform plan for the upper house electoral system that centers on merging thinly populated prefectures with neighboring prefectures to create new constituencies. The ruling party plans to submit a bill to the current Diet session to revise the Public Offices Election Law, and aims to apply the new system from an upper house election next summer. 自民党は、人口の少ない県と隣接県を１選挙区に統合する「合区」の導入を柱とする参院選挙制度改革案を決めた。今国会に公職選挙法改正案を提出し、成立を図る。来夏の参院選からの適用を目指す。
The LDP’s reform plan is exactly what has been called for by the Japan Innovation Party and three other opposition parties, and seeks to create new electoral districts by combining Tottori and Shimane prefectural constituencies and Tokushima and Kochi prefectural constituencies. 改革案は、維新の党など野党４党が主張していたもので、鳥取と島根、徳島と高知を「合区」とする。
It will also change the number of seats allocated to some electoral districts. 選挙区定数の配分も変更し、
As a result, a total of 10 seats will be added to some electoral districts and a total of 10 seats will be cut in other districts, while the total number of seats is maintained at 242 as today. 全体では「１０増１０減」となる。定数２４２は維持する。
As a result, the maximum vote-value disparity of 4.77:1 in the 2013 upper house election is expected to be reduced to 2.97:1. これにより、「１票の格差」は２０１３年参院選の最大４・７７倍から２・９７倍に縮まるという。
There is a limit to what can be done to correct the gap if that goal is pursued while maintaining the framework of the current electoral system, which combines elections in constituencies and the national proportional representation district. To resolve the vote-value disparity that the Supreme Court ruled to be “in a state of unconstitutionality,” it is unavoidable to merge electoral districts on a limited scale. 選挙区選と全国比例選を組み合わせた現行制度の骨格を維持したままでの格差是正には、限界がある。最高裁が認定した「違憲状態」の解消には、限定的に合区を導入することはやむを得まい。
Discussions on reform of the electoral system by parliamentary groups in the upper house have been in limbo since they were started in 2013. This is because the LDP, the biggest Diet group, has been persistently passive about pressing for drastic reform. １３年に始まった参院各会派の制度改革論議は、迷走が続いた。最大会派の自民党が、一貫して抜本改革に消極的だったためだ。
The opposition parties have vehemently criticized this stance of the LDP. Even its coalition partner, Komeito, reached an agreement with the Democratic Party of Japan to integrate 20 prefectural constituencies into 10. 野党は強く反発した。与党の公明党さえ民主党と２０県を１０選挙区に統合する合区案で合意した。
Long-term perspective vital
The LDP has finally agreed to accept the combination of constituencies, despite opposition from within the party, probably because it could not overcome the pressure from other parties. 孤立した自民党が党内に不満を抱えながらも合区を容認したのは、こうした各党の圧力に抗し切れなかったからだろう。
Once an accord is reached on combining constituencies as a means of rectifying the vote disparity, it is highly likely that future reforms will also seek to expand the number of merged constituencies. This may make it difficult to return to discussions on introducing a proportional representation bloc election system, as proposed by former upper house President Takeo Nishioka, and a large bloc constituency system. いったん合区で格差を是正すると、今後の改革も合区の拡大になる可能性が大きい。西岡武夫・元参院議長が提唱したブロック比例案やブロック大選挙区案の議論に後戻りできなくなりかねない。
It is notable that the combined electoral district system has not a few adverse effects. 注意すべきは、合区には弊害が少なくないことだ。
There are fears that the system creates the possibility that no one from underpopulated prefectures can be represented in the upper house. It will make it unavoidable for the LDP and the DPJ to make such adjustments as fielding candidates alternately from adjacent constituencies, and fielding one of the two candidates in a proportional representation election. 人口の少ない方の県から参院に代表を出せなくなる恐れがある。自民党や民主党は、隣接する両県から交互に候補者を擁立したり、もう一方を比例選で処遇したりするなどの調整が欠かせない。
If prefectural administrative units with unique historical and cultural characteristics are shaken up by the adoption of the combined electoral district system, it will weaken the element that lawmakers elected from constituencies represent regional areas. 合区により、固有の歴史や文化を持つ各都道府県の行政単位が揺らげば、選挙区選出議員の地域代表としての側面が弱まろう。
Amid the growing population gap between urban and rural areas, there are concerns that too much emphasis on securing equality in vote values will make it difficult for regional voices to be reflected in national politics. 都市部と地方の人口格差が広がる中、投票価値の平等に固執し過ぎると、地方の声が国政に反映しにくくなるという懸念がある。
Discussions on the electoral system reform must be held from a long-range perspective. 選挙制度改革では、長期的な視点に立った議論も進めたい。
In an effort to promote differentiation of the upper house from the House of Representatives, and on the premise that the Constitution is revised, it is worth studying the introduction of a system in which personnel with professional expertise and experience will be recommended or appointed as upper house members without going through elections. 衆院と差別化を図るため、憲法改正を前提に、専門的知識・経験を持つ人材を選挙を経ずに、推薦・任命する制度の導入なども検討に値するのではないか。
Discussion should also be deepened on the roles and functions required of the upper house. 参院に求められる役割・機能についても論議を深めるべきだ。
The Yomiuri Shimbun China, Russia pose blatant challenge to economy, security of world order ＢＲＩＣＳ会議 中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ
China and Russia have evidently bolstered their ties to challenge both the economic and security dimensions of the current international order led by the United States and Europe. 中国とロシアが一段と共闘し、米欧主導の国際秩序に、経済、安全保障の両面で挑戦する構図が鮮明になった。
The BRICS group — which comprises the five emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa — has put forth a policy of strengthened cooperation after holding a summit meeting in the central Russian city of Ufa. 中露とインド、ブラジル、南アフリカで構成する新興５か国（ＢＲＩＣＳ）が、ロシア中部ウファで首脳会議を開き、協力強化を打ち出した。
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who chaired the meeting, called for the authority of BRICS to be enhanced to boost its influence on the world economy. Chinese President Xi Jinping echoed his view, saying international economic rules must be changed to meet the evolving state of global affairs. 議長役のプーチン露大統領は、ＢＲＩＣＳについて「権威を高め、世界経済への影響力を強める」と強調した。中国の習近平国家主席も、「世界情勢の変化に適応するよう、国際経済のルールを改めなければならない」と応じた。
Their remarks can be said to have plainly revealed China and Russia’s ambitions to change the international financial system revolving around the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and centering on Japan, Europe and the United States. 世界銀行や国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）など日米欧中心の国際金融システムの変更を目指す中露の野心を、露骨に示したと言えよう。
Launched by the BRICS nations, the New Development Bank is scheduled to start operation as early as December. Along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, it apparently serves as a means for China and Russia to promote infrastructure development in emerging and developing countries, thereby increasing their influence over them. 年末にも運営を開始するＢＲＩＣＳの「新開発銀行」を、アジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）とともに駆使して、新興国や途上国の社会資本整備を進め、影響力を一層強めたいのだろう。
It is not acceptable that the joint declaration issued after the summit stated, “We condemn unilateral military interventions and economic sanctions in violation of international law.” 容認できないのは、首脳会議の共同宣言が、「国際法に違反する一方的な軍事介入や制裁を非難する」と明記したことである。
Russia has persistently engaged in military interventions by supporting pro-Russia separatist militants in eastern Ukraine. Such being the case, Russia is hardly qualified to condemn sanctions imposed on it by the United States and Europe. ウクライナ東部で親露派武装集団を支援し、「軍事介入」を続けているのはロシア自身だ。そのロシアに、米欧の対露制裁を非難する資格はあるまい。
Conflicting interests
The joint declaration also stated, “We express our commitment to resolutely reject the continued attempts to misrepresent the results of World War II.” This strongly reflected China’s intention to check Japan over the issue of historical perceptions ahead of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the war’s end. 共同宣言はまた、「第２次世界大戦の結果を改ざんする試みは認めない」と表明した。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話を念頭に、歴史問題で日本を牽制けんせいしたい中国の思惑を色濃く反映したものだ。
China has been executing a plan to build military facilities on reclaimed land over reefs in the South China Sea, a move bound to destabilize the postwar security order. Unless China and Russia alter such hard-line policies, the international community will not cease its criticism of the two countries. 中国は南シナ海で埋め立てた岩礁の軍事基地化を進め、戦後の安全保障体制を不安定化させている。中露がこうした強硬路線を改めない限り、国際社会の批判が収まることはない。
Following the BRICS meeting, a summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was held in the same Russian city. The group comprises China, Russia and four Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan. ＢＲＩＣＳに続き、中露とカザフスタンなど中央アジア４か国でつくる上海協力機構（ＳＣＯ）も首脳会議を開いた。
China is believed to be utilizing the SCO framework to smoothly realize its “Silk Road” initiative, which calls for a huge economic zone to be built along what was once the Silk Road. 中国には、かつてのシルクロード沿いに巨大経済圏を構築する「シルクロード構想」を円滑に推進するため、ＳＣＯの枠組みを利用する狙いがあるとみられる。
But in Central Asia, China’s interests conflict with those of Russia, which leads the Eurasian Economic Union. Putin and Xi affirmed that the two countries would promote cooperation by integrating the two economic-zone plans. But the fact remains that the presence of China, as the world’s No. 2 economic power, overwhelms that of Russia. ただ、中央アジアで「ユーラシア経済同盟」を主導するロシアとは、利害が衝突する。中露首脳は両経済圏構想を統合し、協力を進めることを確認したが、世界第２の経済力を背景に、中国の存在感はロシアを圧倒している。
Amid mutual distrust, China and Russia have emphasized the importance of working together. In cooperation with the United States and other nations, Japan needs to closely watch the moves of these two countries. 互いに不信感を抱えつつも、協調関係をアピールする中露の動向を、日本は米国などと連携し、注視する必要がある。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Heavy-handed intervention behind turmoil roiling Chinese stock markets 中国株乱高下 強引な市場介入が招いた混迷
Recent events have reinforced just how difficult it is to steer the Chinese economy through the slowdown it is facing. 景気減速に直面する中国経済のかじ取りの困難さを、改めて印象づけたと言えよう。
Chinese stock prices are continuing their wild fluctuations. 中国株の乱高下が続いている。
The Shanghai Stock Exchange Composite Index, China’s leading stock index, surged from the latter half of 2014. In June this year, the index reached about 2½ times its level a year earlier. However, after the index peaked, the market was swamped by a mood of selling. The Shanghai index has plunged as much as 30 percent in the past month. 代表的な株価指数である上海総合指数は、昨年後半から急騰し、今年６月に１年前の２・５倍に跳ね上がった。ところが、ピークから一転して売り一色となり、ここ１か月で３割も急落した。
The panic on the Chinese stock market is having repercussions in markets around the globe. The Nikkei Stock Average in Tokyo has dipped below 20,000. 東京市場の平均株価が２万円を割り込むなど、中国株の波乱は世界の市場にも飛び火している。
On Thursday, prices on the Shanghai exchange regained some ground as expectations rose regarding steps taken by Chinese authorities to push up share prices. However, doubts linger over the staying power of these measures. Investors will need to exercise caution over volatile share price movements for a while yet. ９日の上海市場は、中国当局が打ち出した株価対策への期待を背景に上昇に転じたが、持続力には疑問がある。しばらくは、不安定な値動きに注意が必要だろう。
It should be recognized that the chaos on the Chinese stock market was brought about by failed policies of the authorities. 認識すべきなのは、株式市場の混乱が、当局の失政によってもたらされたことである。
In an attempt to shore up the economy, which was losing steam due to the deterioration of real estate market conditions and other factors, China launched a string of policies to nudge up share prices and stimulate private consumption. The appetite to invest was whetted as interest rates were lowered several times and state-run media carried predictions that share prices would continue to rise. 不動産市況の悪化などで低迷した景気の下支えを狙い、株価をつり上げ、個人消費を刺激する政策に乗り出した。利下げを繰り返した上に、国営メディアを通じて株高はまだ続くとの観測を流し、投資家心理をあおった。
The authorities bear a heavy responsibility for creating a “government-manufactured bubble” to prime the economic pump. 景気対策のために「官製バブル」を生成させた責任は重い。
Hurt by short-term view
As the downward trend in share prices gathered strength, Chinese authorities rolled out a slew of policies for propping up stock prices, with little regard to how these actions might appear to the public. Major securities companies were even ordered to buy about ¥2.4 trillion of exchange-traded funds. 株価が下げを強めると、当局は大手証券会社に総額約２・４兆円の上場投資信託の買い入れを求めるなど、なりふり構わない株価維持策に打って出た。
This spur-of-the-moment market intervention by the authorities has undeniably laid bare the peculiarities of the Chinese stock market. 当局による場当たり的な市場介入が、中国の株式市場の特異性を際立たせた面は否めまい。
The immaturity of the Chinese market has also added to the confusion. 中国市場の未熟さも、混乱に拍車をかけた要因だ。
Because the participation of overseas investors is restricted in the Chinese markets, about 80 percent of all transactions are conducted by individual domestic investors. 海外投資家の参加が制限されているため、国内の個人投資家が取引の８割を占めている。
These individual investors have soared in number since the market began rising last year. They strongly tend to make buy and sell decisions based on short-term price movements and other data, and observers have said this is one reason share prices make such sudden, sweeping changes in direction. 昨年来の上昇相場で急増した個人投資家は、目先の値動きなどで売買を判断する傾向が強く、株価が一方的に振れる原因になっていると指摘される。
One peculiar element of the Chinese market is the system that allows a company to decide to suspend trading of its shares. There are numerous problems with hampering the free purchase and sale of shares due to the circumstances of a given company. 企業の判断で株式売買を停止できる制度も、中国市場に特有のものだ。企業の事情で自由な売買を阻害するのは問題が多い。
China is seeking to switch from a model of high economic growth centered on development investment, to a “new normal” that will allow a soft landing through stable growth driven by consumption. 中国は、開発投資が中心の高成長から、消費主導の安定成長へ軟着陸させる「新常態」（ニューノーマル）を目指している。
However, Beijing has been unable to put the brakes on the slowdown in economic growth. The Chinese government has again started steps to prop up the economy through investment, including its decision to establish a new ¥6 trillion fund to be used for investment in infrastructure development. だが、成長減速に歯止めがかからず、中国政府は、インフラ投資に使う６兆円の新基金設立を決めるなど、再び投資による景気テコ入れに動き始めた。
Shifting to policies that could generate a new bubble will inhibit China’s mid- and long-term growth. This aberration in the world’s second-largest economic power must not be allowed to develop into a situation that shakes the global economy. 新たなバブルを起こしかねない政策への転換は、中長期的な成長を阻害しよう。世界第２の経済大国の迷走が、世界経済を揺るがす事態は避けねばならない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun S. Korea’s political maneuvering rains on Japan’s UNESCO parade 産業革命遺産 祝賀に水差す韓国の政治工作
It was persistent political maneuvering by the South Korean government to pour cold water on Japan’s festive mood for the World Heritage site registration. 世界遺産への登録という日本の祝賀ムードに水を差す、韓国政府の執拗しつような政治工作だった。
The UNESCO World Heritage Committee, meeting in Germany, has officially decided to add Japan’s Meiji era (1868-1912) industrial revolution sites to the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage list. 「明治日本の産業革命遺産」が、国連教育・科学・文化機関（ユネスコ）の世界文化遺産に登録されることが、ドイツで開かれた世界遺産委員会で正式に決まった。
The sites are mainly bases for iron and steel manufacturing, shipbuilding and coal industries in the mid-19th to early 20th centuries. They comprise 23 assets in eight prefectures, including the state-run Yawata Steel Works in Fukuoka Prefecture and Hashima Coal Mine — better known as Gunkanjima — in Nagasaki Prefecture. They are heritage sites that Japan can boast of to the world. 遺産は、１９世紀半ばから２０世紀初頭の製鉄・製鋼、造船、石炭産業の拠点が中心である。福岡県の官営八幡製鉄所や、「軍艦島」と呼ばれる長崎県の端島炭坑など、８県の２３資産で構成される。世界に誇り得る遺産と言えよう。
It was unfortunate that the South Korean government excessively played up the “negative side” of Japan’s heritage sites. 残念だったのは、韓国政府が日本の遺産に関する「負の側面」を過剰に演出したことだ。
South Korea initially opposed the registration, claiming that Korean workers were requisitioned at some of the facilities during World War II. But it changed its policy at a foreign ministerial meeting in June and agreed to cooperate with Japan on the bid for World Heritage status. 韓国は当初、大戦中に一部施設で朝鮮人労働者が徴用されていたとして登録に反対したが、６月の日韓外相会談で方針転換し、日本と協力することで合意した。
However, after that, it was revealed that South Korea, at a committee meeting, prepared a draft of remarks stating that Japan had admitted the requisitioned workers were “forced labor.” It included wording that likened the facilities to slave export ports. For that reason, Japan protested the draft and the prior coordination between the two countries hit a snag. ところが、その後、韓国が委員会で、徴用について「『強制労働』だったと日本が認めた」との発言案を準備したことが判明した。施設を奴隷輸出港になぞらえる文言もあった。このため、日本側が抗議し、事前調整は難航した。
South Korea then seemed to shift the emphasis to an international campaign to spread the idea that requisitioned workers were “forced labor.” It was irrational of South Korea to lobby to strengthen its position over issues relating to historical perceptions at a meeting meant to discuss the protection of cultural assets. 韓国は、徴用が「強制労働」であるかのような国際的な宣伝に力点を移したのだろう。文化財保護を目的とする場で、歴史問題での自国の立場強化を狙うのは、筋違いなロビー外交である。
Requisition mischaracterized
The requisition that Japan carried out through entire territories at that time, including the Korean Peninsula, was based on a national order and targeted all the people there. It is a fact that many Korean workers were mobilized to Japan, but it was different from “forced labor” that violates international laws. 日本が内地や朝鮮半島などで実施した徴用は、国民徴用令に基づき、国民全般が対象だった。多数の朝鮮人労働者が内地へ動員されたのは事実だが、国際法に反する「強制労働」とは異なる。
In the statement made at the committee meeting, Japan pointed out, “There were a large number of Koreans and others who were brought against their will and forced to work under harsh conditions.” By using expressions other than “forced labor” while making concessions to South Korea, Japan intended to have come to terms with South Korea. 日本は委員会の声明で、徴用に関して「意思に反して連れて来られ、厳しい環境の下で働かされた多くの朝鮮半島出身者らがいた」と指摘した。韓国側に譲歩しつつ、「強制労働」とは一線を画する表現で折り合ったつもりだった。
However, turning Japan’s statement to its own advantage, South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se said, “The Japanese government announced there was ‘forced work,’” and South Korean newspapers covered it extensively. Japan thus wound up letting South Korea cause trouble and have what it wanted, failing to remove the cause of conflicts between Japan and South Korea. だが、韓国の尹炳世外相は、これを逆手に取って「日本政府が『強制労役』があったと発表した」と語り、韓国紙も大きく報じた。結果的に、徴用の表現を巡って韓国にゴネ得を許し、日韓対立に火種を残したことは否めない。
In the 1965 Agreement Between Japan and the Republic of Korea Concerning the Settlement of Problems in Regard to Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation, Japan and South Korea confirmed that all such claims, including those of former requisitioned workers, were legally settled. １９６５年の請求権協定で、元徴用工を含めた請求権問題は法的に解決済みだ。
Seoul has told Tokyo that it will not use Japan’s statement on the workers to deal with issues concerning the claims. Is there any possibility that South Korea could bring up the issues again in relation to the statement? 韓国は、請求権問題に関連して日本の声明を利用しない、と伝えてきている。この問題を蒸し返すことはないのか。
Due to the latest dustup, “anti-South Korean” sentiment in Japan further increased. 今回の騒動で、日本国内の「嫌韓」感情はさらに高まった。
It is safe to say that cold water was also poured onto the momentum toward the improvement of relations between the two countries. 日韓関係改善の機運にも、冷や水が浴びせられたのは間違いない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun China needs to fulfill its obligation in combating global warming 中国ＣＯ２削減 最大排出国の責任はどこに
China should fulfill its responsibility in fighting global warming as the world’s largest carbon dioxide emitter. 地球温暖化を食い止めるため、中国は、世界最大の二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）排出国として、応分の責任を果たすべきだ。
The country has submitted to the United Nations its target for cuts in greenhouse gas emissions. Its main goal is to reduce CO2 emissions by 60 percent to 65 percent per unit of gross domestic product by the end of 2030, compared with 2005 levels. 中国が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を国連に提出した。国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）当たりのＣＯ２排出量を、２０３０年までに０５年比で６０～６５％削減することが柱だ。
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang emphasized his country’s determination in this respect, saying, “[China] will do its utmost to combat climate change.” Given its numerical target, however, China’s CO2 emissions are bound to increase if its GDP continues to grow. 李克強首相は「気候変動との戦いで最大限の努力をする」と強調した。だが、この目標では、ＧＤＰの拡大が続けば、排出量を増やせることになる。
China has said it will ensure the total amount of domestic CO2 emissions decreases after reaching a peak around 2030. 国内で排出するＣＯ２の総量については、３０年ごろをピークに減少させるという。
China’s reduction target is far from plausible. Its stance seems to reflect its government’s determination to place priority on achieving economic growth rather than adopting environmental protection measures. 真っ当な目標には、ほど遠い。環境対策より経済成長を優先する中国政府の姿勢の表れだろう。
A new framework to replace the Kyoto Protocol on global warming will be worked out at a U.N. climate change conference in Paris — officially titled 21st Session of the Conference of Parties to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) — toward the end of the year. The new framework is expected to take effect in 2020. 年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）では、京都議定書に代わり、２０年に発効予定の新たな枠組みが策定される。
In preparation for the COP21 meeting, developed nations have unveiled their respective objectives for reductions in total emissions. それに向け、先進国は、自国内の総排出量の削減目標を国際的に表明している。
China’s per-GDP reduction target can be viewed as an attempt to emphasize its difference from more industrialized countries in its efforts to fight global warming. The country’s posture is based on its belief that developed nations should do more to address the problem, given that their industrial activities led to global warming. 中国がＧＤＰ当たりの削減目標を示したのは、先進国との違いを強調する狙いがあろう。産業活動により温暖化を招いた先進国は、途上国よりも重い責任を負うべきだとの考え方に基づいている。
Large rise in emissions
However, it should be noted that in recent years there has been a remarkable increase in CO2 emissions from newly emerging and developing countries, which are not obliged to curtail their emissions under the Kyoto Protocol. China accounts for about one-fourth of the world’s total CO2 emissions. Its per-capita emissions compare with European Union levels. しかし、京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない新興国・途上国からの排出量は近年、著しく増えている。特に、中国は世界の４分の１のＣＯ２を排出している。国民１人当たりの排出量も、欧州連合（ＥＵ）と並ぶレベルにある。
It is essential for China to adopt an even more proactive approach toward the problem, a task necessary for reducing CO2 emissions worldwide. Therefore, China needs to improve its energy efficiency while also curbing its thermal power generation, which results in a large amount of CO2 emissions. We believe Japan’s energy-saving technology would help China’s efforts to reduce its emissions. 世界全体の排出量を減らすには、中国のより積極的な取り組みが欠かせない。エネルギー効率の改善や、ＣＯ２排出量が多い石炭火力発電の抑制が必要だ。日本が培ってきた省エネ技術は、中国の排出削減にも役立つだろう。
The list of nations yet to unveil emission reduction targets includes India, the world’s third-largest emitter, as well as Southeast Asian nations, whose emissions are sharply increasing. We are concerned that they may choose to set insufficient reduction goals as a result of China’s influence. 世界３位の排出国であるインドや、排出量が急増する東南アジア諸国などの目標提出は、これからだ。中国の影響を受け、不十分な削減目標を設定する恐れもあるのではないか。
A lesson must be learned from the Kyoto Protocol in making sure the envisaged framework fulfills its purposes. It is important for all nations to steadily carry out emission-reduction measures that are commensurate with their respective amounts of CO2 emissions. 新たな枠組みを実効性あるものにするためには、京都議定書を教訓に、すべての国が排出量に見合った削減策を着実に実行することが重要である。
The Japanese government will soon finalize a numerical target requiring this country to reduce its emissions by 26 percent by the end of fiscal 2030 from fiscal 2013 levels. The figure can be regarded as a target that favorably compares with EU and U.S. objectives. 日本政府は近く、３０年度に１３年度比で２６％削減するという目標を決定する。ＥＵや米国と比べても、遜色のない内容だと言える。
An important task for Japan is to play a leadership role in trying to create a fair framework for cuts in greenhouse gas emissions. 日本には、公平な枠組み作りのため、主導的な役割を果たすことが求められる。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Does Greek national referendum mark beginning of a tragic drama? ギリシャ危機 国民投票は悲劇の幕開けか
Did the Greek people raise the curtain on a tragic drama? ギリシャ国民は、自らの手で悲劇の幕を開けてしまったのだろうか。
In the national referendum held in Greece on Sunday on structural reform proposals demanded by the European Union, “no” votes accounted for more than 60 percent of the total, surpassing the affirmative votes by an overwhelming margin. 欧州連合（ＥＵ）などが示した構造改革案の受け入れを巡るギリシャの国民投票で、反対が６割を超え、賛成を大差で上回った。
The rejection of the EU proposals, which were the conditions for resuming financial assistance, has made it more difficult to agree on a bailout package. 金融支援再開の条件であるＥＵ案が退けられ、合意は一段と難しくなった。
Eurozone countries were to discuss how to respond in a meeting of their leaders Tuesday, but an easy compromise would lead to a backlash from their own peoples. Given the deadlock in negotiations, it has become more likely that Greece will fall into a full-scale default and be pressured to decide whether to leave the eurozone. ユーロ圏各国は７日の首脳会議で対応を協議するが、安易な妥協は自国民の反発を招きかねない。交渉の行き詰まりでギリシャが本格的な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥り、ユーロ圏離脱を迫られるシナリオは現実味を増した。
Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras characterized the outcome of the plebiscite as a “victory for democracy.” But he was utterly off the mark. チプラス首相が、国民投票の結果について「民主主義の勝利」と位置付けたのは、あまりに見当違いと言わざるを得ない。
In the first place, it was tremendously problematic that he had asked the people to decide the future course of complicated diplomatic negotiations. そもそも、複雑な外交交渉の決断を、国民投票に丸投げした手法に大きな問題がある。
The Tsipras administration abruptly decided to call the national referendum amid negotiations with the EU, allowing for about a week before the plebiscite was held. This was too short a period. チプラス政権はＥＵ側との交渉中に突如、国民投票を決めた。国民への周知期間は１週間ほどで、あまりに短かった。
It cannot be overlooked that Tsipras created false expectations among the people that Greece would gain a strong negotiating position to press for concessions from the EU with a “no” vote majority. 反対票が多数を占めれば、ＥＵ側に譲歩を迫る強い交渉力が得られると唱え、国民に誤った期待を抱かせたことも看過できない。
Mutual concessions key
Greece has already restricted cash withdrawals from its banks. If the European Central Bank cuts off emergency financial aid, the country will be forced to walk a tightrope as it will face a deadlock in raising cash from banks. ギリシャでは既に、銀行預金の引き出しが制限されている。欧州中央銀行（ＥＣＢ）が緊急支援を打ち切れば、銀行の資金繰りが行き詰まる綱渡りの状況にある。
It was irresponsible that Tsipras did not explain sufficiently to the people the possible adverse effects of raising the level of confrontation with the EU. ＥＵ側との対立が激化した際のマイナス面を、国民に十分に説明しなかったのは無責任だ。
Greece could seek to survive a fund shortage by issuing a currency of its own, but this would represent the first step toward an exit from the eurozone. It is feared that the value of a currency with less creditworthiness would plunge and drive the country into serious inflation because it relies on imports for many of its daily necessities. 独自の通貨を発行し、資金不足をしのぐ選択肢もあるが、ユーロ圏離脱への第一歩を踏み出すことにつながる。信用力のない通貨が暴落し、生活必需品の多くを輸入に頼るギリシャが、深刻なインフレに見舞われる恐れもある。
The Greek people should not be driven into a further predicament. Without sticking to an anti-austerity stance, the Tsipras administration should seek to find realistic concessions by July 20, the deadline for redeeming €3.5 billion in government bonds. 国民をさらなる苦境に追い込んではなるまい。チプラス政権は反緊縮に拘泥せず、３５億ユーロに上る国債の償還期限が来る７月２０日までに現実的な妥協を図るべきだ。
For its part, it would be unwise for the EU to shut down the channel for negotiations. ＥＵ側も、交渉の窓口を閉ざすことは得策ではない。
Financial markets continue to feel the adverse effects of the Greek financial crisis, with the Nikkei Stock Average, for example, plummeting more than 500 points momentarily on the Tokyo Stock Exchange on Monday. 東京市場の平均株価が一時５００円以上も急落するなど、金融市場に悪影響が広がっている。
There is concern that anti-EU political parties will gain strength in Spain and Italy and shake confidence in the euro. Another concern is whether Greece, which has a strategically important position in terms of security, will strengthen relations with Russia or China, thereby heightening geopolitical risk. スペインやイタリアで反ＥＵ政党が勢力を強め、ユーロの信認を揺さぶる懸念がある。安全保障上の要衝にあるギリシャがロシアや中国と関係を強め、地政学的なリスクが高まることも心配だ。
To avoid restoking a Europe-originated financial crisis and to prevent it from seriously affecting economic and political stability, the EU must do whatever it can to break the stalemate. 欧州発の危機を再燃させ、経済や政治の安定に深刻な打撃を与えないよう、ＥＵ側も事態打開に最善を尽くさねばならない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Japan must do utmost to help Mekong countries build quality infrastructure 日メコン会議 良質なインフラ整備を進めよ
Given the promise and potential of Southeast Asian nations, providing development assistance and boosting mutually beneficial cooperative ties are actions that correspond to Japan’s national interests. The government must adopt a strategic perspective in addressing these tasks. 将来性豊かな東南アジアの成長を後押しし、互恵的な協力関係を強化することは、日本の国益に合致する。政府は、戦略的に取り組むべきだ。
Japan and five Southeast Asian nations along the Mekong River recently held a summit conference in Tokyo. There Prime Minister Shinzo Abe pledged fresh assistance to the Mekong countries in the form of ¥750 billion in official development aid over the next three years. He also stressed that Japan earnestly seeks to bring about “high-quality growth” in the region. 日本とメコン川流域５か国が東京で首脳会議を開いた。安倍首相は、今後３年間で７５００億円規模の政府開発援助（ＯＤＡ）の拠出を表明した。「質の高い成長の実践を目指す」とも強調した。
Abe’s announcement is part of an investment initiative for the Asian region that the Japanese government unveiled in May. The recent assistance pledge emphasized transportation infrastructure projects, including the construction of an arterial road that will serve as an economic corridor linking the east and west of the Mekong region, and the building and upgrading of ports and airports. ５月に発表したアジア投資計画の一環だ。メコン地域の東西を幹線道路で結ぶ「経済回廊」や、港湾、空港など交通面の社会基盤（インフラ）整備に重点を置く。
Flanked by the two major powers of China and India, the Mekong region is situated in an area of high strategic importance for land and maritime traffic in the vicinity of the South China Sea. メコン地域は、大国の中国とインドに挟まれ、南シナ海に接する陸上・海上交通の要衝である。
Japan maintains generally friendly relations with the five countries — Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar — all of which have been logging high rates of growth. タイ、ベトナム、カンボジア、ラオス、ミャンマーの各国は基本的に親日的で、成長率も高い。
The implementation of the Abe administration’s growth strategy can be accelerated by using ODA as a catalyst for their economic development and expanding private-sector investment by Japanese firms to make the most of their vitality. ＯＤＡを呼び水に、日本企業の投資を拡大し、各国の活力を取り込むことは、安倍政権の成長戦略にも資するだろう。
In this regard, it is important to build relations on an equal footing — whereby all parties can enjoy mutual benefits — by paying due respect to individual needs. 大切なのは、相手国の自主性を尊重し、共に利益を享受する対等な関係を築くことである。
‘Soft efforts’ for development
In the case of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the percentage of China’s capital contribution is overwhelmingly large compared to that of other members. This has led to doubts about the impartiality of its management and financing decisions. 中国主導のアジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）は、中国の出資比率が突出し、運営や融資判断の公正性に疑念が持たれている。
It is essential for Japan to work hard to maintain effectiveness and a high degree of transparency in its assistance activities to help build quality infrastructure in the region. Such efforts will distinguish Japan’s assistance from that of China. 日本は、適正で透明性の高い援助に努め、「良質なインフラ」を地域に定着させることが肝要だ。それが、中国との差別化を図ることにつながろう。
A joint statement adopted at the close of the summit meeting stressed the significance of working together with the Asian Development Bank. It also advocated boosting Japan’s “soft efforts” in such fields as research and development or the nurturing of human resources. 首脳会議が採択した共同文書は、アジア開発銀行（ＡＤＢ）との連携を強調した。研究開発、人材育成などソフト面の支援に力を入れる方針も打ち出している。
It is vital to carry out a form of “Japanese-style development assistance” that is carefully designed to help each country in the Mekong region achieve sustainable growth through autonomous means. メコン地域各国の自立的で、持続的な発展を、きめ細かく手助けする「日本型援助」を着実に推進することが重要である。
Views on maritime security issues were also exchanged at the summit conference. 首脳会議では、海洋安全保障についても議論した。
The joint statement made explicit reference to “concerns over the recent development in the South China Sea, which ... may undermine regional peace, security and stability.” This alludes to reclamation projects on reefs that are apparently part of a bid for militarization. 共同文書は「地域の平和、安全、安定を損ないうる南シナ海の最近の動向」への「懸念」を明記した。中国による岩礁埋め立てと軍事施設化を念頭に置いたものだ。
The statement also affirmed the importance of freedom of navigation based on international law and the need to resolve conflicts through peaceful means. 国際法の原則に基づく航行の自由や、紛争の平和的解決の必要性なども盛り込まれた。
Maritime security must be recognized as an “international good” that is indispensable for economic activity to be conducted freely and smoothly, according to the statement. It is highly significant that not only Vietnam, which is at odds with China over territorial issues, but also such countries as Cambodia, which has closer ties with China, agreed on the joint statement’s contents. 海洋の安全は、自由で円滑な経済活動を支える国際公共財だ。中国と領有権問題で対立するベトナムだけでなく、中国と近いカンボジアなども、共同文書の認識を共有したことは意味がある。
In cooperation with the international community, Japan and the five countries must work together at various opportunities to make China refrain from attempting to change the status quo by force. 日本と５か国は様々な機会に、国際社会と連携し、力による現状変更の試みを自制するよう中国に働きかけることが求められる。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Intransigent N. Korea must be pressed to advance its probe of abductions 拉致再調査１年 対「北」圧力を戦略的に強めよ
Any further continuation of North Korea’s time-buying tactics would be intolerable. The Japanese government must push North Korea to move forward on resolving the problem of having abducted Japanese citizens, with an eye on the possibility of resurrecting and expanding sanctions against Pyongyang. 北朝鮮のこれ以上の時間稼ぎは認められない。政府は、制裁の復活や拡大を視野に、日本人拉致問題の前進を北朝鮮に迫るべきである。
On July 4 last year, North Korea embarked on a new round of investigations into the fate of Japanese abductees. Pyongyang set the duration of the probes at about one year and committed to providing information on the progress of the investigations on an as-needed basis. 北朝鮮は昨年７月４日、拉致被害者らの再調査を開始した。期間は１年程度とし、調査状況の随時通報も約束した。
The Japanese government, in return, lifted parts of its sanctions concerning matters such as restrictions on travel between the two countries and a ban on the entry into Japanese ports of North Korean-registered ships. 政府は見返りに、日朝の人的往来や北朝鮮籍船舶の入港などに関する制裁の一部を解除した。
However, no information has been presented on the safety and other relevant matters regarding the abduction victims. しかし、いまだに被害者の安否情報などは示されていない。
Pyongyang’ behavior is extremely dishonest . The behavior tramples brazenly on the feelings of the abduction victims’ families and others concerned, who have long been seeking to have them brought back as quickly as possible. 不誠実極まりない対応である。被害者の早期帰国を念願する家族らの感情を踏みにじるものだ。
More than three years have passed since Kim Jong Un began leading North Korea. A streak of purges and ousters of high-ranking officials of his regime and his close associates has continued, indicating Kim has still not succeeded in consolidating his power base. Views have been put forth that Kim has still come up short of creating an environment conducive to making an important political decision on the abduction problem. 金正恩第１書記の就任から３年余が経たつ。最近も幹部や側近の粛清・更迭が続いており、体制固めはまだ不十分とされる。拉致問題で重要な政治決断をする環境にはないとの見方が出ている。
What should be done to break the impasse? The government is urged to strategically address the challenge to win concessions from Pyongyang through dialogue while increasing pressure on North Korea. 膠着こうちゃく状態をどう打開するのか。政府には、圧力を強めつつ、対話を通じて譲歩を引き出すという戦略的な取り組みが求められる。
Should there continue to be no progress with North Korea’s investigations, the resurrection of anti-Pyongyang sanctions would be inevitable. 調査が今後も進展しないなら、制裁の復活は避けられまい。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, for that matter, has stressed the government has been “constantly reviewing whatever measures should be the most effective” in dealing with North Korea. 菅官房長官は、制裁に関して、「何が最も効果的か、不断の検討を行っている」と強調する。
‘Parallel pursuit’ of 2 aims
In late June, the Liberal Democratic Party proposed to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe that anti-Pyongyang sanctions, such as a ban in principle on money remittances to North Korea, be toughened. Such a proposal is one of the options the government will be able to take. 自民党は６月下旬、北朝鮮への送金の原則禁止などの制裁強化案を安倍首相に提言した。こうした案も一つの選択肢となろう。
By accurately assessing how North Korea is going to tackle the abduction problem, Japan should take steps commensurate with Pyongyang’s action. Keeping the principle of “action for action” intact is of great importance. 拉致問題に北朝鮮がどう対処するかを見極め、日本はそれに見合う措置を取る。「行動対行動」の原則を貫くことが重要である。
The pro-Pyongyang General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon), which was pressed to vacate its Tokyo headquarters after the building was put up for auction, has managed to remain in the building through indirect resales. Suspicion over the mysterious tactics can hardly be eliminated. 在日本朝鮮人総連合会（朝鮮総連）は、競売で中央本部ビルからの退去を迫られたが、転売などを経て現状を維持している。その経緯には不可解さがぬぐえない。
In the case involving the allegedly illegal importing of a shipment of matsutake mushrooms from North Korea, the second son of the head of Chongryon has been arrested and indicted on charges of violating the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law. The law must be rigorously enforced. 北朝鮮産マツタケの不正輸入事件では、総連議長の次男が外為法違反で逮捕、起訴されている。法執行は厳格に行われるべきだ。
It is also essential to broaden the understanding of the international community regarding Pyongyang’s wide-ranging infringements on human rights, including the abductions. 拉致を含む北朝鮮の広範な人権侵害について、国際社会の理解を広げる努力も欠かせない。
Toward the end of June, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees set up its branch in Seoul for the surveillance of human rights records of North Korea. The opening of the UNCHR branch is expected to produce a certain degree of effect to hold North Korea in check. 国連人権高等弁務官事務所は６月下旬、北朝鮮の人権状況を監視する現地事務所をソウルに開設した。北朝鮮をけん制するうえで、一定の効果が期待できよう。
North Korea has adopted a policy of a “parallel pursuit” of nuclear weapons development and rebuilding its economy. Pyongyang has also been continuing to take actions that amount to military provocation, such as the announcement in May that it was successful in launching a ballistic missile from a submarine. 北朝鮮は、核兵器開発と経済建設の「並進路線」を掲げる。５月には、潜水艦発射弾道ミサイルの水中発射に成功したと発表するなど、軍事的挑発も続けている。
It is of dire importance that Japan not weaken the international network of containment toward North Korea. This can be achieved by closely cooperating with the United States and South Korea. Japan should firmly maintain its basic policy of comprehensively resolving the abduction problem, the nuclear and missile programs of Pyongyang. 日本は、米韓両国と緊密に連携し、北朝鮮に対する国際包囲網を崩さないことが肝要だ。拉致と、核・ミサイルを包括的に解決する基本方針を堅持したい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Try to prevent another Shinkansen fire while keeping train service convenient 新幹線放火殺人 利便性損ねずに再発防ぎたい
Taking steps to prevent a recurrence while also ensuring that passengers’ convenience is not compromised — this difficult task has come to the fore. 乗客の利便性を損ねずに、再発防止を図る。難しい課題が浮き彫りになったと言える。
A passenger fatally set himself on fire inside a bullet train on the Tokaido Shinkansen line while it was in motion. A female passenger who was caught up in the incident also died. Twenty-six other passengers were taken to the hospital for treatment. 走行中の東海道新幹線の列車内で、男が焼身自殺した。巻き添えで乗客の女性が死亡した。救急搬送された乗客は２６人に上った。
This is the first fire reported inside a Shinkansen car. The bullet train has boasted of its superb safety record since it began operating about half a century ago. That a passenger who just happened to be in the same car also died is terribly shocking. 新幹線内での火災発生は初めてである。半世紀余りにわたり、高い安全性を誇ってきた新幹線で、たまたま乗り合わせた乗客が死亡した衝撃は大きい。
The Kanagawa prefectural police are investigating the incident as a case of suspected murder and arson of an inhabited structure. The investigation will focus on unraveling the actions of the male passenger up until the crime was committed. 神奈川県警は殺人と現住建造物等放火の容疑で捜査している。男が犯行に至るまでの行動の解明が焦点になる。
The response of the train crew after the fire started seems to have been appropriate for the most part. 火災発生後の乗務員の対応は、おおむね適切だったようだ。
After bringing the train to an emergency stop, the driver immediately grabbed an onboard fire extinguisher and started dousing the flames. A conductor followed the safety manual by quickly guiding fleeing passengers to cars toward the rear of the train. 運転士は列車を緊急停止させた後、備え付けの消火器で即座に消火活動にあたった。車掌が乗客を後方の車両に避難誘導したのも、マニュアル通りの行動だった。
The floors and seats of Shinkansen cars are covered with fire-resistant material. These fire prevention measures were a factor in preventing the damage from spreading even further. 車両の床面やシートには、燃えにくい素材が用いられている。こうした防火対策が被害の拡大を防いだ面もあろう。
There needs to be an investigation into why the female passenger was unable to escape the danger in time. 一方、女性が逃げ遅れた理由については、検証が必要である。
Some observers have suggested that the absence of smoke extraction devices on the train contributed to the car filling with smoke. Is there room for improving equipment installed on Shinkansen trains? Lessons learned from this incident must be used to improve safety. 排煙装置が車内にないことが、煙の充満を招いたとの見方もある。設備面で改善の余地はないのか。事件の教訓を安全性の向上に生かさねばならない。
Baggage check unrealistic
The man apparently started the fire after taking a plastic container containing an oil-like liquid out of his backpack. 男は、油のような液体の入ったポリ容器をリュックサックから取り出して、犯行に及んだ。
Perhaps the only way to prevent people from bringing dangerous materials onto a Shinkansen is to conduct baggage inspections for every single passenger, just like the checks at airports. 危険物の持ち込みを防ぐには、空港のように、乗客一人一人の手荷物検査を実施するしか手立てはないだろう。
However, one of the greatest attractions of the Shinkansen is the convenience of being able to board even after arriving at the station at the last minute before the train departs. This is something passenger planes cannot offer. It is not realistic to introduce baggage screening for Shinkansen trains carrying more than 1,000 passengers that operate on the dot at three-minute intervals during peak times. しかし、旅客機と異なり、発車間際に駅に着いても乗れる利便性が、新幹線の売り物である。１０００人以上を乗せ、ピーク時には３分間隔で正確に運行する新幹線に手荷物検査を導入するのは、現実的ではあるまい。
The Japan Railways Group and the police should strengthen their cooperation and heighten the frequency of security patrols on station platforms and in trains. ＪＲと警察が連携を強め、ホームや車内の巡回の頻度を高めることが求められる。
Most cars on bullet trains that run on the Tokaido Shinkansen line have security cameras in the decks of the cars. These cameras do not film the area where passengers sit. Footage taken by these cameras is apparently used, in principle, for follow-up checks in the event of a problem. 東海道新幹線の大半の車両では、デッキに監視カメラが設置されているが、客室内は撮影していない。映像は原則として、トラブルなどがあった際の事後チェックに利用しているという。
We think JR should consider increasing the number of security cameras installed on Shinkansen trains to beef up the deterrent against onboard crime. 犯罪の抑止効果を高めるため、設置箇所を増やすことも検討すべきではないか。
In May 2016, Japan will host a Group of Seven summit meeting (the Ise-Shima summit meeting). Tokyo is preparing to host the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics. 国内では、来年５月に主要国首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）が開かれる。２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックも控えている。
Preparing countermeasures based on the assumption that unforeseen situations — including a terrorist attack — could occur is an urgent task. テロなど不測の事態を想定した対策が急務である。
Japan is submerged in debt. As of March, the government was in hock for 1.053 quadrillion yen, twice as much as the nation’s gross domestic product. Japan’s public finances are in worse shape than any other industrial nation, even than Greece, which is trapped in a serious debt crisis. Government bonds outstanding account for over 80 percent of the nation’s overall debt load. 日本の財政は、借金漬けだ。国の借金残高は今年３月で１０５３兆円、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の２倍と先進国の中で最悪の水準であり、債務危機にあえぐギリシャをも上回る。借金の８割強は、国債である。
During the current fiscal year, which started in April, the Japanese government will have to issue 36 trillion yen worth of new bonds to plug the budget hole. When bonds issued to refinance debt coming due are counted in, the government needs to borrow 170 trillion yen in the year through March 2016. 今年度予算では、財源不足を補うための３６兆円余の新たな国債や、満期を迎えた分の借り換えなどで、総額１７０兆円の国債を発行する。
Can Japan really avoid a fiscal disaster if it is running up so much debt? Won’t the prices of government bonds collapse in the market where government debt securities are traded? こんなに借金を重ねて大丈夫なのか。発行後に国債が売買される市場で国債価格が急落（金利が急上昇）しないのか。
Huge potential risks in the market ■市場に潜む危うさ
Most government bonds are financed by domestic funds, ultimately by the savings of the people. Many experts say there is no need to worry about a full-blown debt crisis in Japan because the government is not dependent on borrowing from fickle foreign investors who rush to the exit at the first hint of trouble. 国債の大半は、国内の資金、もとをたどれば国民の貯蓄でまかなわれている。逃げ足の速い海外マネーに頼っているわけではないから、大丈夫。こう説明されることが多い。
This common fiscal narrative is correct from the viewpoint of the flow of money. But we should not overlook one worrisome factor behind the money flow structure. おカネの流れを見れば、その通りだ。ただ、この流れに潜む構図を見落としてはならない。
That’s the Bank of Japan’s aggressive monetary easing, which has been described as “different dimension” expansion of money supply. 「異次元」とも称される、日本銀行による大胆な金融緩和策である。
As the centerpiece of its credit easing program, the central bank is buying tremendous amounts of government bonds. Since it adopted additional monetary easing measures last autumn, the BOJ has been buying up to 90 percent of the bonds the government issues in the market. この政策の柱として、日銀は大量に国債を買っている。昨年秋の緩和策第２弾を経て、そのペースは、政府が市場で発行する分の最大９割に及ぶ。
The BOJ is legally banned from underwriting government bonds, or buying bonds directly from the government. 日銀が政府から国債を直接買う「引き受け」は、法律で禁じられている。
This rule was established because the Japanese central bank once caused a virulent bout of inflation by helping the wartime government raise funds to finance the war. かつて政府の戦費調達などに日銀が手を貸し、激しいインフレを招いた反省からだ。
Currently, the BOJ buys government bonds via private-sector financial institutions, just short of underwriting of government bonds. 現状は金融機関を経て購入しているとはいえ、引き受けも同然と言える。
Anything could happen in a financial market. Nobody can guarantee that Japanese government bonds will never crash. 何が起きるか分からないのが、市場だ。「日本の国債だけは価格が暴落しない」というわけにはいかない。
If the bond market is roiled by a massive selloff by speculators, corporate borrowing costs as well as interest rates on housing loans will soar. When that happens, the government’s tax revenue will fall due to the consequent weakening of the economy while the government’s debt servicing costs will surge. That will be a fiscal nightmare not unlike what Greece is now facing. 投機筋などによる売り浴びせをきっかけに混乱が広がれば、企業の借り入れや住宅ローンの金利が急上昇し、景気の悪化に伴って税収が減る一方、国債の利払いは増える。ギリシャの惨状は遠い外国の話ではなくなる。
In order to prevent this kind of fiscal disaster, the government needs to keep demonstrating its solid commitment to paying back debt and thereby avoid arousing doubts about its creditworthiness. そんな事態を避けるには、政府が「借金を返していく」という姿勢を示し続け、「すき」を見せないことだ。
Currently, the BOJ is nipping market disruptions in the bud with its massive bond purchases. But the potential risk is underscored by the fact that none other than BOJ Governor Haruhiko Kuroda has been preaching the importance of fiscal rehabilitation to the government. 今は日銀が国債の大量購入で波乱の芽を封じ込めている格好だが、日銀の黒田総裁自身が政府に財政再建の大切さを説いていることがそれを物語る。
Can’t bank on economic growth ■成長頼みは禁じ手
The government’s plan to regain fiscal health, which calls for a primary budget surplus in fiscal 2020, will be an acid test of the government’s will to pay off debt. ２０年度の基礎的財政収支の黒字化を目指す政府の財政再建策は、借金を返していく意思を問う試金石だ。
But the government’s plan is based on the assumption that its tax revenue will keep growing in line with nominal economic growth at annual rates of over 3 percent, a target that is hard to achieve. ところが、である。 毎年名目で３％台という、実現が難しい成長を前提として、税収も伸びていくと見込む。
While calling on the government to go ahead with the postponed additional increase in the consumption tax rate to 10 percent, the prescription for curing the nation’s fiscal woes doesn’t propose any further tax hike. 増税については、１回延期した消費税率の１０％への引き上げこそ織り込むものの、それ以上は封印。
The plan calls for policy efforts to curb budget growth and cut certain expenditures. But it offers no specific measures or a road map to rein in government spending. 歳出の抑制・削減策も、メニューこそ並べたが、具体案や実行への道筋は先送りした。
The government should seek to increase its tax receipts by stoking economic growth. But banking on revenue growth due to economic expansion is a hope-for-the-best approach to restoring fiscal health that should not be adopted. 経済成長に伴う税収増を目指すのは当然としても、それに頼ることは「期待」頼みの財政再建であり、禁じ手だ。
A reliable way to cure the budget ills is resorting to a combination of spending cuts and tax hikes. Both will inevitably be painful. 確実な手段は、歳出の削減と増税の二つ。ともに痛みを伴う。
First of all, the government needs to hammer out a realistic and effective plan to restrain budget growth and reduce its outlays. All policy areas need to be reviewed for budget cuts. But the focus should be on social security spending, which accounts for one-third of the general-account budget. まずは歳出の抑制・削減だ。あらゆる分野にメスを入れる必要があるが、焦点は国の一般会計の３分の１を占める社会保障分野だ。
If nothing is done, social security spending will continue growing automatically by nearly 1 trillion yen every year due to the aging of the population. 高齢化に伴い、放っておけば毎年１兆円近いペースで増え続ける。
Japan’s social security system, whose main components include the public health-care, nursing-care and pension programs, is structured along the lines of generations. Basically, the working population supports retired seniors. 医療や介護、年金など、社会保障は「世代」を軸に制度が作られ、現役世代が高齢者を支えるのが基本的な仕組みだ。
Given that disparities in assets and income are growing within the same generations, however, it is vital to restructure the system toward distribution of the burden according to wealth. しかし、同じ世代の中で資産や所得の格差が開いていることを考えれば「持てる人から持たざる人へ」という軸を加え、制度を改めていくことが不可欠だ。
Considering the seriousness of the fiscal squeeze, curbing budget growth and trimming expenditures here and there alone will be far from enough. The government should also consider a tax increase. 財政難の深刻さを考えれば、歳出の抑制・削減だけでは間に合わず、増税も視野に入れるべきだ。
The pillar of any plan to increase taxes should be a consumption tax hike. 柱になるのは消費税の増税である。
The most appropriate source of revenue to finance social security spending, which grows regardless of economic conditions, is the consumption tax. That’s because consumption tax receipts are less susceptible to economic conditions, and the burden is shared broadly by the entire public. 景気にかかわらず増えていく社会保障をまかなうには、税収が景気に左右されにくく、国民全体で「薄く広く」負担する消費税が適している。
The plan for integrated tax and social security reform worked out by the government three years ago is based on these ideas. ３年前に政府が決めた「社会保障と税の一体改革」は、そうした考え方を根本にすえる。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has ruled out raising the consumption tax rate above 10 percent. But a 10-percent consumption tax will be grossly insufficient to rebuild Japan’s debt-laden public finances. 安倍政権は１０％を超える増税を否定するが、それではとても足りない。
That’s obvious from the fact that many European countries impose a value-added tax (equivalent to Japan’s consumption tax) of around 20 percent on purchases of goods and services. 欧州の多くの国が付加価値税（日本の消費税に相当）の税率を２０％前後としていることからも明らかだ。
As part of an effective tax overhaul, the income and inheritance taxes, which are levied on people’s income and assets, should also be reviewed for making the well-to-do shoulder their fair share of the burden. 所得や資産に課税する所得税や相続税も、豊かな層に応分の負担をしてもらう方向で見直す。そんな税制を目指したい。
Inevitable pains ■避けられない痛み
All these reforms would be painful for taxpayers. But they are inevitable steps to ensure the long-term sustainability of social security and stop shifting the burden to future generations. いずれも痛みを伴う改革だ。しかし、社会保障を持続可能にし、将来世代へのつけ回しをやめるには、避けて通れない。
If the government shies away from fiscal reform and allows the situation to continue deteriorating, it could eventually face a fiscal collapse. 財政の再建から逃げ、放置すれば、いずれ破綻（はたん）しかねない。
Such a situation would cause the biggest damage to people’s livelihoods. いったんそうなれば、国民の生活がもっと大きな痛みを強いられる。
Japanese are now facing a crucial choice. Do they accept a radical reform of the system and an increase in their burden to be implemented through revisions to related laws by their elected representatives? Or do they opt to allow market pressure from rising interest rates to force them into necessary reforms? 選挙で選んだ代表を通じ、法律を改正して制度の再設計や負担増を受け入れるのか。金利急騰といった市場の圧力に追いたてられて取り組むのか。
We should choose burden sharing through the democratic process. 民主主義の手続きに基づく負担の分かち合いを選びたい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun Take all possible measures to prevent Greek crisis from expanding globally ギリシャ危機 混乱の拡大防ぐ最善の努力を
All countries and organizations concerned must do whatever it takes to solve Greece’s financial crisis, thereby avoiding economic turmoil originating in Europe. 欧州発の経済混乱を回避するため、関係する各国・機関は、事態打開へ全力を挙げるべきだ。
The negotiations on a bailout plan between Greece and the European Union, among others, have broken off. ギリシャ支援を巡る欧州連合（ＥＵ）などとギリシャとの協議が決裂した。
The EU presented a compromise plan to extend the expiry of its financial support until the end of November from the originally scheduled end of June on condition that Greece accept structural reform proposals such as tax increases and cuts in pension payments. ＥＵ側は、年金減額や増税といった構造改革案の受け入れを条件に、６月末の支援期限を１１月末まで延長する妥協案を示した。
However, Greece suddenly announced a plan to hold a national referendum on the EU proposals on July 5. Furiously angered by the announcement, the EU has decided to cut off assistance as originally scheduled. だが、ギリシャは突如、ＥＵ案の是非を問う国民投票を７月５日に行う方針を表明した。これに猛反発したＥＵ側は、期限通りに支援を打ち切ることを決めた。
The rupture in talks plunged the world’s stock markets into turmoil Monday, with the key Nikkei Stock Average closing down nearly 600 points Monday compared with Friday’s close. 交渉決裂を受けた週明け、東京市場の平均株価が６００円近く下落するなど、世界の市場に混乱が波及している。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said, “Japan will analyze the problems, too, and carefully deal with the situation.” 菅官房長官は記者会見で、「日本も問題の情勢分析、対応に遺漏がないようにする」と述べた。
Financial authorities of Japan, the United States and other countries need to prevent the crisis from expanding by cooperating closely with the EU and the International Monetary Fund. 日米をはじめ各国の金融当局は、ＥＵや国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）と緊密に連携し、危機拡大を食い止める必要がある。
The time limit for Greece’s repayment of about €1.5 billion to the IMF comes Tuesday. There is a strong possibility that Greece will default due to a shortage of funds. ギリシャは３０日、ＩＭＦに対する約１５億ユーロの債務の返済期限を迎える。資金不足で債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥る恐れが強い。
The EU has decided to discontinue the bailout plan probably because it judged that even if Greece defaults on repayment, the adverse effects on markets will be limited since lenders are mostly governments and central banks of other countries. ＥＵが支援打ち切りを決めたのは、貸し手の大半が各国政府や中央銀行で、ギリシャがデフォルトになっても、市場への悪影響が限られると判断したのだろう。
Avoid underestimation
But the fact remains that the Greek crisis could deal a blow to markets given the complexity of speculation by dealers. Underestimating any possible impact is something to be carefully avoided. しかし、様々な思惑が錯綜さくそうする市場では、ギリシャ問題が想定外の打撃をもたらす懸念は拭えない。過小評価は禁物である。
Of course, the best solution is for Greece to accept the EU reform proposals so the time limit for repayment can be extended. 無論、事態の沈静化を図る最善の道は、ギリシャがＥＵ側の改革案を受け入れ、支援延長を実現することだ。
The Greek administration of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras announced the national referendum plan abruptly in an attempt to draw concessions from the EU on the pretext of “the public’s will.” The Tsipras administration also has likely concluded that acceptance of the EU proposals based on the result of the referendum would provide a good excuse for the administration to alter its anti-austerity policy. チプラス政権が国民投票を唐突に打ち出したのは、「民意」を盾にＥＵへ譲歩を迫る狙いがある。投票の結果、ＥＵ案を受け入れるのなら、反緊縮路線を変更する名分が立つとの計算もあろう。
The Greek people have not been well informed about the progress of negotiations with the EU and the possible impact a default would cause. Therefore, it would be irresponsible for the administration to saddle the people with making the final decision. ギリシャ国民は、ＥＵとの交渉経過やデフォルトがもたらす影響を十分に知らされていない。政権が国民に最終判断を丸投げするのは、あまりに無責任だ。
The Greek government has resorted to capital control measures, including shutting banks and setting a limit on cash withdrawals, leading to long lines of anxious people in front of ATMs. ギリシャ政府は、銀行の休業や預金引き出し制限などの資本規制に踏み切った。現金自動預け払い機（ＡＴＭ）に長い列ができるなど国民に不安が広がっている。
These steps are merely stopgaps. If Greece’s exit from the eurozone becomes reality, its economy will most certainly fall into a serious predicament. こうした規制は一時しのぎに過ぎない。ユーロ圏からの離脱が現実味を帯びれば、ギリシャ経済が深刻な苦境に陥るのは必至だ。
To help prevent further suffering, the Greek government must sincerely explain to the people the need for concessions and move toward compromising with the EU. 国民をこれ以上苦しめないためにも、ギリシャ政府は譲歩の必要性を国民に真摯しんしに説明し、ＥＵ側に歩み寄らねばならない。
