May 28, 2014 EDITORIAL: Japan's shrinking population forces us to reconsider how we live 人口急減社会の問い―生き方の再検討を迫る
Japan's projected population decline conjures up an image of a ball rolling down a steep slope. これから先、見込まれる日本の人口減少は、急な坂を転げ落ちるかのようだ。
According to estimates by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, the nation's population will shrink to two-thirds of the current level in the next half-century, and then to one-third 100 years from now. 国立社会保障・人口問題研究所の推計によれば、人口は約半世紀で３分の２に、１世紀で３分の１に縮む。
Three panels of experts have issued reports on how to put the brakes on the decline. どうすればこの流れを緩められるか。官民三つの有識者会議が相次いで報告をまとめた。
All the reports concur that there are obstacles preventing people who want to marry and have children from doing so, and that these obstacles must be removed. 主張の核心は、どれも同じ。結婚したい、産みたいという希望がかなっていないと指摘し、障害を取り除こうと訴える。
The reports also offer similar solutions, which boil down to expanding support for parents and changing the ways of working. 対策にも共通点が多い。支援策拡充と働き方の改革である。
The Japan Policy Council, a private research foundation that issued one of the three reports, caught the public's attention by pointing out the possibility of about half of the nation's current rural municipalities ceasing to exist if they keep losing their populations to the big cities. But aside from the JPC's dire warning, the three reports offer no new practical solutions. 三つのうち、民間の「日本創成会議」分科会が、大都市への人口流出が続けば約半数の市区町村は消滅の可能性があると指摘し、耳目を集めた。それを除けば、さほど目新しい指摘や対策があるわけではない。
This was only to be expected, as what needs to be done is already fairly clear. But the point is whether society and the political community will be receptive to the proposed solutions and follow through. 当然だろう。元々、やるべきことははっきりしているからだ。焦点は政治と社会に理解を広げ、実現できるかどうかだ。
CHANGING REALITY OF FAMILIES ■変わる家族の現実
What are the problems? 何が問題なのか。
Our society is solidly established on the traditional concept of the family, which is that the husband is the sole breadwinner and the wife is a full-time homemaker. But this is no longer the reality today, while the social systems, practices and people's mind-sets are still based on the traditional concept. 夫が「一家の大黒柱」として家族のぶんまで稼ぎ、主婦が家族の世話をする。そんな家族像を前提に、日本社会に張り巡らされた制度や慣行、人々の意識が、家族の現実にそぐわなくなっている。
The situation in Japan is conspicuously different from those in other leading industrialized countries. ほかの先進国と比べると、日本の特徴がくっきり浮かぶ。
Despite the growing number of households where both spouses work, policy support for child-rearing families is still far from adequate. 子育て支援が薄い。共働きの広がりに、支援策が追いついていない。
Long working hours are still routine, partly because the sole breadwinner has always been expected to put in overtime and never complain about transfers. So long as this mind-set remains, husbands will find it difficult to help with household chores and child-rearing. Women who want to work full-time jobs are forced to work long hours just like the men, and tend to put off marrying and starting a family. 長時間労働が際だつ。「大黒柱」は残業も転勤もいとわず働くのが当たり前だったからだ。その慣行が続いている限り、夫は家事や育児に参画しにくい。男性に負けずに働こうとすれば女性も長時間労働を強いられ、結婚や出産を先送りしがちだ。
Wage levels differ greatly by how one works. In the past, part-time work was only for married women and students, whose wages were kept low on the premise that they could depend financially on their husbands or fathers. But there is a growing number of adult men nowadays who are earning low wages as part-time workers. The current trend for women to remain single or marry late will only accelerate if they keep waiting for men who will meet all their financial needs. 働き方による賃金格差が大きい。かつて非正社員といえば、主婦のパートと学生のアルバイトだった。夫や父親の稼ぎに頼れる前提で賃金を抑えられていた。だが、その賃金水準で働く大人の男性が増えた。女性がなお「大黒柱」を待ち望めば、未婚・晩婚が進まざるをえない。
PROBLEMS WITH 'JAPAN MODEL' ■「日本型」のつまずき
If that is the case, some people argue, then we should revive the traditional concept of family. ならば昔の家族を取り戻せ。
But that is a tall order. The number of households that can survive on the husband's income alone is on the decrease, and in this age of unstable employment, it is too risky to rely on just one breadwinner. Housework is done differently today from the past, too. Families change along with changes in their circumstances. そう考える人もいるだろう。だが、難しい。夫の収入だけで暮らせる世帯は減っているし、雇用が不安定なこの時代、「大黒柱」１本に頼るのは危うい。家事の仕方も昔とは違う。環境が変われば家族は変わる。
We already know that the changes cannot be stopped. 変化をとめられないことは、すでに実証済みだ。
When the government declared "the first year of the welfare society" in 1973, the oil crisis that occurred that year aggravated the nation's fiscal problems. This gave rise to the concept of the "Japanese-style welfare society." The argument then was that Europe's generous welfare handouts took away people's incentive to work, whereas the Japanese spirit of self-help and reliance on one's family, not on government handouts, was truly a virtue. １９７３年の「福祉元年」宣言もつかの間、同じ年に石油危機に見舞われ、財政の悪化が進んだ。そこに登場したのが「日本型福祉社会」論だ。欧州で、手厚い福祉が勤労意欲を減退させたなどと批判し、自助や家族の支えあいこそ日本の「醇風美俗（じゅんぷうびぞく）」だと唱えた。
The Liberal Democratic Party regime of the time took advantage of this argument to curb welfare spending and proceeded to reward households with wives who stayed at home or worked only very little to shoulder burdens of caring for children and elderly parents. Specifically, the government created a system whereby women, who are married to full-time company employees and earn less than a certain level of income themselves, are qualified for old-age pensions of their own without having to pay premiums. 自民党政権は、これを論拠に福祉を削り、負担を引き受ける主婦の優遇策を進めた。代表例が、会社員の夫を持つ主婦は、収入が低ければ保険料を払わずに年金を受け取れる制度だ。
But even this system did not stop the number of dual-income households from growing. And ironically, although it was designed to benefit low-income married women, the system had the effect of encouraging part-time workers to keep their wage levels low. This became one of the causes of the significant wage gaps that exist today. The Abe administration is currently trying to review this "Japan-style" setup by encouraging women's "active participation" in society. それでも共働きは広がった。収入が低い主婦を優遇する制度は低賃金労働を誘い、賃金格差の一因となった。安倍政権はいま「女性の活躍」を掲げ、こうした「日本型」の施策の見直しにとりくむ。
Outside Japan, conspicuous drops in birthrates can be found in countries such as Italy and Spain where people rely on their families for the help they need. It is only natural that when families become overburdened, people hesitate to have children. 世界をみても、イタリアやスペインなど、家族の力に頼る国々で少子化が顕著だと指摘される。家族に負担がかかりすぎると、家族をつくることをためらうのは、当然の帰結だろう。
SUPPORTING THE NEXT GENERATION ■支える世代を支える
The burden on families will grow even further in the days ahead. In the past, there were multiple working-age people financially supporting one senior citizen under the welfare system. But the nation is fast transforming into a "piggyback" society where there will be only one working-age citizen supporting a senior citizen. これから、家族の負担はもっと重くなる。日本は、多くの現役世代で１人のお年寄りを支えた「胴上げ型社会」から、１人で１人を支える「肩車型社会」へと突き進んでいる。
Will the working-age people be able to bear their tax and insurance premium burdens? Will more people be forced to give up work or motherhood in order to care for their elderly parents or relatives? Something must be done to protect both the younger and older generations from collapse. 現役世代は、税や保険料の重さに耐えられるか。親族の介護のため、仕事や出産を諦める人が増えないか。共倒れを防ぐ工夫が要る。
For one, it is vital to ensure that people will be able to function to their full capacity. 第一に、人の力を最大限生かせる仕組みである。
This calls for a system that will allow people to work flexibly while caring for their children or elderly family members. たとえば、介護や子育てなどの事情に応じて柔軟に働ける制度だ。
In the Netherlands, workers are entitled to demand shorter or longer working hours according to their needs, and employers are forbidden to unfavorably treat workers because of shorter working hours. As a result, the employment rate and birthrate have gone up. オランダでは労働者が労働時間の短縮や延長を求める権利を定め、短いからといって待遇に差をつけることを禁じた。就業率も出生率も上昇した。
Secondly, it is necessary to provide support to the younger generation that supports the elderly population. 第二に、お年寄りを支え続けるためにも、「支える世代を支える」ことである。
The three reports from the panels of experts propose that the nation's social security system, which is currently weighted heavily in favor of the elderly, should be revised to take the needs of the younger generation into consideration. Seniors in difficult financial circumstances obviously need help, but the needs of the younger generation cannot be ignored any longer. 三つの報告は、高齢者に偏る社会保障を見直し、子育て支援などに振り向けよと唱える。貧しいお年寄りへの配慮が前提だが、避けてはいられまい。
The report by the JPC went one step further. Noting that the terminally ill who are no longer able to eat on their own are often fed from a tube, the report urged earnest discussion of issues related to terminal care to explore desirable forms of end-of-life treatment. 日本創成会議は、口から食べることが難しい場合、胃にチューブを通す胃ろうなど「終末期ケア」のあり方も議論すべき時期だ、と踏み込んだ。人生の最後の時期をどのように過ごすのが幸せなのか、議論を促した。
We are born, and we will all eventually die someday. 生まれる。死ぬ。
The nation's shrinking population forces us to face life squarely and reconsider how we live. And we cannot move forward unless the entire society engages in discussion. 人口減少は私たちに、命をみつめることを求めている。生き方、暮らし方の再検討を迫っている。社会全体での議論なしには、前に進めない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:38 pm, May 27, 2014 Approval for Taketomi town to become independent school district problematic 竹富町の教科書 単独採択の容認は禍根を残す
The latest move in the Okinawa Prefecture school textbook case may become a bad precedent, we are afraid. 教科書採択の悪あしき前例にならないか。
The Okinawa Prefectural Board of Education has approved the secession of the town board of education in Taketomi from the textbook selection council of the Yaeyama district—comprising the city of Ishigaki and the towns of Taketomi and Yonaguni—in the prefecture. 沖縄県教育委員会が、石垣市、竹富町、与那国町による八重山採択地区から、竹富町の離脱を認めることを決めた。
The Taketomi Board of Education has been using a textbook of its own choice in public schools for more than two years, in violation of the law on the free provision of school textbooks, which stipulates that a joint textbook adoption district—comprising more than one municipality—must adopt the same textbook throughout. 竹富町教委は、共同採択地区内で同一の教科書を採択するという教科書無償措置法に違反し、２年以上、独自に採択した教科書を使用している。
The Taketomi Board of Education did not comply with a demand for corrective action that the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry made in March based on the Local Government Law. ３月に文部科学省から地方自治法に基づく是正要求を受けたのに、従わなかった。
As the prefectural board of education has approved the Taketomi Board of Education’s establishment of an independent educational district, the Taketomi board will be able to adopt textbooks of its own choice beginning next fiscal year. We cannot help but feel doubtful about the latest development, as it seems to have caved in to the hard line taken by the town board. 県教委が竹富町を独立した採択地区と認めたことで、竹富町教委は来年度以降に使用する教科書について、単独での採択が可能になった。ごね得とも言える展開には疑問を禁じ得ない。
We must remember that the current state of unlawfulness will remain until the end of this fiscal year. This development is quite problematic from the viewpoint of legal compliance. 忘れてはならないのは、今年度いっぱいは、違法状態が続くことだ。法令順守の観点から、極めて問題がある。
Education Minister Hakubun Shimomura said the ministry would not file a lawsuit against the Taketomi town government to formally establish the illegality of the town board’s actions. 下村文科相は、竹富町を相手とした違法確認訴訟は起こさない方針を表明した。
He has reportedly concluded that even if the education ministry wins the suit and has the town board change the textbook for use at public schools, it would only cause confusion in classrooms in the middle of an academic year. But this does not mean Shimomura approves of the current state of illegality. これは、勝訴しても年度途中で使用教科書を変えると、学校現場が混乱しかねないと懸念したためだ。現在の違法状態を容認したわけではない。
The prefectural board of education carries a grave responsibility for allowing the confusion to drag on. 混乱を長引かせた県教委の責任は、重大である。
Dispute over textbooks
In the summer of 2011, the textbook selection council of the Yaeyama district chose a civic studies textbook published by Ikuhosha Publishing Inc. for use in middle schools. The council selected the textbook because it contains a full description of territorial issues. 八重山地区の採択地区協議会が中学校の公民教科書に育鵬社版を選んだのは、２０１１年夏だった。領土に関する記述が充実しているといった理由からだ。
Despite the council’s selection, however, the Taketomi Board of Education unilaterally decided to use a textbook published by Tokyo Shoseki Co. これに対し、竹富町教委のみが東京書籍版を採択した。
The prefectural board of education has not taken steps to have the Taketomi Board of Education take corrective action. Even when the education ministry instructed the prefectural board of education last October to demand the Taketomi Board of Education conform, the prefectural board did nothing. 県教委は竹富町教委に、適切な働きかけをしていない。文科省が県教委に対して昨年１０月、竹富町教委への是正要求を指示した際も、動かなかった。
The joint textbook adoption system allows small local municipalities with limited personnel to cooperate with each other in selecting school textbooks. Joint textbook adoption districts comprise local municipalities that share the same sense of unity geographically and culturally. そもそも共同採択制度は、人員に限りのある小規模自治体が協力して教科書を選ぶ仕組みだ。地理的、文化的な一体性を持つ市町村が共同採択地区を形成する。
The law on the free provision of school textbooks was revised in April as some cases emerged in which the demarcation of the joint textbook adoption district would no longer correspond to the distribution of local communities and their livelihoods due to mergers of cities, towns and villages in recent years. 近年の市町村合併で、採択地区の線引きが現状に合わない例も出てきたため、４月に教科書無償措置法が改正された。
The revision changed the description of administrative units of joint textbook adoption districts from “cities and counties” to “cities, towns and villages,” allowing textbooks to be selected by educational districts that combine towns and villages more flexibly. 採択地区の設定単位を「市郡」から「市町村」に変え、柔軟な組み合わせができるようにしたのが特徴だ。
The Taketomi Board of Education, apparently by distorting the meaning of the legal revision to its own advantage, demanded that it could break away from the educational district. Yet the ties among municipalities within the Yaeyama district remain strong. There are no special circumstances surrounding the district due to the recent merger of municipalities. The secession of the Taketomi Board of Education was not made in line with the purport of the law revision. 竹富町教委はこれを逆手に取って離脱を要望した。しかし、八重山地区の結びつきは今も強い。市町村合併といった事情は見当たらない。竹富町の離脱は、法改正の趣旨を踏まえたものではない。
It is only reasonable that the boards of education of Ishigaki and Yonaguni have called for leaving the current framework in place. 石垣市と与那国町が現行の枠組みの維持を求めたのは当然だ。
It is regrettable that such a natural procedure as the board of education selecting a textbook in compliance with laws and ordinances has been ignored. 法令を守って、教科書を採択する。当たり前のことがないがしろにされたのは、残念である。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:22 pm, May 26, 2014 China fighters’ abnormally close flying to SDF planes an aberrant provocation 中国機異常接近 習政権は常軌逸した挑発慎め
An incident has taken place that must be condemned as a thoughtless and extremely dangerous provocation, an act that came within a hair’s breadth of a midair collision. We absolutely will not overlook this occurrence. 一歩間違えば衝突事故につながりかねない、非常識かつ極めて危険な挑発行為である。看過することはできない。
Two Sukhoi Su-27 fighter jets belonging to the Chinese military flew abnormally close to a Maritime Self-Defense Force OP-3C image data acquisition plane and an Air Self-Defense Force YS-11EB electronic intelligence plane Saturday, which were flying over the high seas in the East China Sea. 中国軍のＳＵ２７戦闘機２機が２４日、東シナ海の公海上空を飛行していた海上自衛隊のＯＰ３Ｃ画像情報収集機と、航空自衛隊のＹＳ１１ＥＢ情報収集機に異常接近した。
The incident occurred in airspace where Japan’s air defense identification zone overlaps with what China claims as its own ADIZ. One of the Chinese fighters was reported to have flown roughly 50 meters from the OP-3C aircraft, while the other came as close as about 30 meters from the YS-11EB plane. 現場は、日本の防空識別圏と、中国が主張する防空識別圏が重なる空域である。中国軍機はＯＰ３Ｃには約５０メートル、ＹＳ１１ＥＢには約３０メートルまで近づいたという。
International law does not explicitly stipulate the distance that airplanes should maintain from one another for safety purposes. However, the recent acts of flying extraordinarily close to the SDF planes are an affront to what are considered norms in the international community. 国際法上、航空機同士が安全のため確保すべき距離は定められていないが、今回のような異常接近は国際常識から外れている。
On Sunday, Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera criticized China for its fighters’ aggressive behavior toward the SDF aircraft as “completely aberrant acts.” The Japanese government has lodged a protest over the incident through diplomatic channels, a natural response to the Chinese warplanes’ extremely close approaches. 小野寺防衛相は「常軌を逸した近接行動だ」と中国を批判した。日本政府は外交ルートを通じ中国に抗議した。当然の対応だ。
The incident took place while China and Russia were conducting joint naval exercises in the East China Sea. The Defense Ministry said that at the time of the incident, the SDF planes were engaged in ordinary warning and surveillance duties at a considerable distance from the China-Russia exercise area. The Chinese Defense Ministry, however, issued a statement Sunday claiming that the SDF planes “monitored and interfered with the joint military drill by the navies of China and Russia.” 東シナ海では、中国とロシアが合同演習を実施していた。防衛省によると、自衛隊機は演習区域から離れた場所で通常の警戒監視任務中だったが、中国国防省は「自衛隊機が中露合同演習を偵察、妨害した」との声明を発表した。
In the past, there have been several instances in which helicopters and airplanes of China’s State Oceanic Administration flew close to—within 100 meters—MSDF destroyers in the East China Sea. 中国は過去にも、国家海洋局のヘリコプターや航空機が東シナ海で数回、海自の護衛艦の１００メートル以内を近接飛行した例がある。
SDF must not waver
The fighter jets that made extremely close approaches to the SDF planes were equipped with missiles and capable of flying at a far higher velocity. Beijing’s attempt to unilaterally justify such a dangerous show of force is absolutely unforgivable. While paying due attention to safety, the SDF must be resolute in continuing its warning and surveillance activities. 今回は、ミサイルを搭載し、速度も速い戦闘機だ。より危険な示威活動を一方的に正当化しようとすることは許されない。自衛隊は安全に配慮しつつ、警戒監視活動をきちんと継続すべきだ。
Behind the unusual approaches by the Chinese fighters may be the hard-line posture of the administration of Chinese President Xi Jinping, which has been pursuing a policy of expanding China’s hegemony in both the East China and South China seas under the banner of building the nation into a maritime power. 中国機の異常接近の背景には、「海洋強国」建設を掲げ、東・南シナ海で覇権の拡大を目指す習近平政権の強硬姿勢があろう。
It is worrying that the Chinese troops deployed in these areas may repeat such extreme shows of force. 懸念されるのは、中国軍の現場部隊が今後も、過激な示威活動を繰り返しかねないことだ。
As demonstrated by an incident in January last year, in which a Chinese frigate locked its weaponry radar on an MSDF destroyer in the East China Sea, it is highly likely that the Chinese military has yet to put in place rules of engagement that would clearly prohibit military acts that run contrary to international norms. 昨年１月の海自艦船へのレーダー照射事件で明らかになったように、軍隊の国際常識に反する行為を明確に禁止する部隊行動基準（ＲＯＥ）さえ中国軍には整っていない可能性が高いと見られる。
In reference to the radar-locking incident, a meeting of the Western Pacific Naval Symposium held in China in April this year with 21 countries taking part adopted the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea, defining such acts as targeting radar at a foreign naval vessel as “actions to be avoided.” レーダー照射に関しては、今年４月、中国で開かれた２１か国の西太平洋海軍シンポジウムで採択された行動規範で、「回避すべき行動」に位置づけられた。
Japan, for its part, should draft an international code of conduct and a set of rules regarding military affairs for the prevention of a contingency or a collision of warships or aircraft, in close cooperation with the United States and other relevant countries, with the aim of persistently urging China to participate in the framework of rules. 日本は、米国や関係国と緊密に連携し、不慮の事故や衝突を防止する軍事的な国際行動規範やルールを策定して、中国に参加を粘り強く促すことが重要だ。
Efforts should also be made to resume currently stalled consultations between Tokyo and Beijing to formulate a bilateral “maritime liaison mechanism” focusing on such matters as the establishment of a hotline between senior defense officers of the two countries, with a view to achieving an agreement on the matter as early as possible. 制服組幹部間のホットライン設置などを柱とする日中の「海上連絡メカニズム」の協議も再開し、早期合意を目指したい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:08 pm, May 25, 2014 Reform of Diet should give priority to regular debates among party heads 国会改革 党首討論の定例化から始めよ
Working-level members from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner New Komeito as well as the Democratic Party of Japan and Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) have compiled measures to make Diet debates more efficient and substantial. The issue, pending from last year, has finally moved forward. 自民、公明の与党と民主党、日本維新の会の４党実務者が国会審議の効率化と充実に向けた具体策をまとめた。昨年来の懸案が、ようやく前進したことになる。
After coordinating their proposals with other parties, the four parties should seek to have them adopted by the Diet in the next session. 他党とも調整した上で、次の国会から適用すべきだ。
The pillar of their proposals is to reduce the appearances of the prime minister and Cabinet ministers before the Diet, and, instead, hold debates once a month in principle among the party heads from the ruling and opposition parties on essential issues. ４党案は、首相や閣僚の国会出席を軽減する代わりに、与野党の党首が論戦する党首討論を原則、毎月１回開催することが柱だ。
The Japanese prime minister and Cabinet members are tied up with Diet schedules far more than their counterparts in the United States and European nations. It is a matter of course for the government to be made accountable, but it is putting the cart before the horse to require these leaders to answer questions in the Diet at the expense of their diplomatic and domestic political duties. 欧米各国と比べて、日本の首相や閣僚は国会に拘束される時間が突出して長い。政府が国会で説明責任を果たすのは当然だが、国会答弁に追われて外交や内政にしわ寄せが生じるなら本末転倒だ。
It is appropriate to lighten the burdens of the prime minister and Cabinet members so as to allow them to dedicate their energies to their primary duties. 首相と閣僚の負担を減らし、本来の業務に力を振り向けさせるのは妥当な考え方である。
Under the proposals, the prime minister’s attendance at both chambers’ budget committees would be limited to basic and concluding question-and-answer sessions and “intensive deliberations on certain issues deemed necessary.” Without stretching the interpretation of this stipulation, the prime minister’s attendance in the Diet should be limited. ４党の案は、首相の予算委員会出席を基本的質疑や締めくくり質疑、「必要と認められる特定の事案に関する集中審議」に限定した。この規定を拡大解釈せず、首相の出席は抑制すべきだろう。
Supplementing the reduced duties of the prime minister with more debates among the party heads is a significant idea. There are many challenges that party heads must debate, such as the revision of the government’s constitutional interpretation over the exercise of the right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Abenomics economic policies and reforms of the nation’s social security system. 負担軽減の一方で、党首討論を活用する意義は大きい。集団的自衛権行使を巡る憲法解釈の変更問題や、安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」、社会保障制度改革など、政党のトップ同士が論ずべき課題は多い。
No debates so far this year
Under the current system, party heads are supposed to hold debates once a week in principle. But there is an agreement among the parties that debates will not be held in weeks when the prime minister has to attend such Diet meetings as plenary and Budget Committee sessions. 現在も党首討論は、週１回開催を原則としているが、首相が本会議や予算委などに出席する週は開かないとの申し合わせがある。
As the opposition parties prefer Budget Committee sessions, where it is easier for them to secure more time for questioning, debates among party heads have not been held so far this year. Party heads should be required to hold regular debates as part of this reform so party leaders will be able to hold substantial debates from a broader perspective. 野党は、党首討論より審議時間を確保しやすい予算委を優先していることなどから、今年は一度も開かれていない。今度こそ定例化を実現し、大局的な観点からの論議を充実させるべきだ。
To make Diet deliberations on lawmaker-sponsored bills more meaningful, the proposals call for holding free debates between Diet members. As most bills submitted to the Diet are by the Cabinet, it is essential to promote legislation initiated by lawmakers. 議員提出法案の審議を充実させるため、議員同士による自由討議を活用するという。多くの法案は内閣提出だ。議員立法の活用も進めねばならない。
Among other recommendations are that overseas trips by Cabinet members be approved in principle and that the senior vice ministers and parliamentary secretaries take charge for absent ministers. Reducing the burden on bureaucrats preparing ministers’ Diet answers by requiring Diet members to submit questions to the government early is also included in the proposals. Since these measures are all expected to make Diet deliberations more efficient, we hope the proposals will be carried out in their entirety. 閣僚の海外出張を基本的に容認し、副大臣や政務官らが対応するとした。国会議員が質問内容を早い段階で政府に通告し、答弁準備にあたる官僚の負担を軽減させるという。いずれも国会審議を効率化する効果が期待できる。徹底してもらいたい。
Their proposals, however, are unsatisfactory in that they do not address the problem of a divided Diet, a situation in which the House of Councillors is controlled by the opposition, while the ruling camp has a majority in the House of Representatives. During the years of such a split Diet, opposition parties frustrated administrations by rejecting the government’s personnel appointments that required Diet approval. Narrowing the range of personnel appointments requiring Diet approval also merits consideration. 物足りないのは、衆参のねじれに対応する取り組みを見送ったことだ。ねじれ国会では、野党は衆参両院の同意を必要とする国会同意人事を否決し、政権を揺さぶった。同意人事の範囲を絞るなどの見直しを検討してはどうか。
The ruling and opposition parties should calmly tackle such a challenge now that the Diet is no longer divided. 与野党は、ねじれが解消した今こそ、こうした課題に冷静に取り組むべきである。
May 24, 2014 EDITORIAL: Securing public confidence vital for pension reform （社説）年金受給年齢 信頼をこわさぬように
A hot topic in the media is when is the best time for people to start receiving pension benefits. Interest in the issue surged after Norihisa Tamura, the welfare minister, indicated that the government will consider allowing people to push back the age at which they start receiving benefits to 75. 「年金を何歳から受け取り始めるか」という議論が、メディアで話題を集めている。きっかけは田村厚生労働相が、７５歳まで遅らせる選択肢を検討する意向を示したことだ。
Discussions on the minimum or best age to claim state pension benefits tend to cause misunderstandings. The government should tread carefully in considering any related proposal to avoid undermining public confidence that is vital for the health of the state pension program. 年金の受給開始年齢をめぐる議論は誤解も生みやすい。公的年金の生命線である「信頼感」を損ねないよう注意深く進めるべきだ。
First of all, it should be noted that Tamura did not say the age of eligibility, or the earliest age at which people can claim benefits, will be delayed to 75. まず、厚労相は「７５歳からしか受け取れなくする」と言ったわけではない。
Currently, people can freely choose the age to start receiving benefits between ages 60 and 70. The proposal Tamura referred to would raise the maximum age to 75. いま、年金を受け取り始める年齢は６０歳から７０歳の間で自由に選べる。それを最長７５歳まで遅らせることを可能にしてはどうかという提案だ。
If you begin receiving benefits earlier, you will naturally receive money over a longer period, but the monthly amount will be smaller. If you delay the start, the monthly benefits will be larger. 早くから受け取れば、もらえる期間が長くなり、その分、１カ月あたりの年金額は減る。逆に遅くすれば、月額は増える。
People can choose the age at which they become pensioners according to their own life plans. これは個々人が自分の人生設計に照らして考えればいい。
What is controversial is the proposal to increase the age of eligibility for all recipients as a way to improve the financially troubled pension system. 問題は、年金財政を好転させるために、受給開始年齢を一律に遅らせる考え方だ。
This approach would increase funds to finance pension benefits for future retirees by reducing current pension payouts. 当面の年金給付額が削減される分、将来世代に年金を払う原資が増えるメリットがある。
But this idea would not necessarily benefit younger generations because the age of eligibility cannot be raised at once. ただ、若い世代はみなメリットがあるかと言えば、そうでもない。年齢の引き上げは一気にできないからだ。
Currently, the earliest age retired corporate employees can claim the earnings-linked second tier of benefits under the employees’ pension program is being increased in stages from 60 to 65. The entire process, from the decision to increase the pension age to the completion of the increase, will take 25 to 30 years. 現在、厚生年金（報酬比例部分）の受給開始年齢は６０歳から６５歳に段階的に引き上げられているが、これも決定から完了まで２５～３０年かけている。
Even if the government decides now to increase the age of pension eligibility to 68 for all retired employees, the decision would not affect today’s elderly pensioners. 仮に現時点で受給開始年齢を一律に６８歳に引き上げることを決めても、今の高齢者には影響を与えない。
Cuts in benefits due to the increase in the age of eligibility would start with young generations who tend to be deeply discontent with the current pension system. That means this idea would not do much to reduce the pension gap between generations. 給付削減は、年金に強い不信を抱く若い世代から始まることになり、世代間の格差を緩和する効果は薄い。
The step could even increase young generations’ resentment toward the system and create an enormous wave of distrust of the whole social system that is supposed to support people’s retirement. 不満は一層高まり、老後を支える社会システム全体への不信の爆発へと連鎖する恐れがある。
Rather, the government should focus on considering reform measures that also affect people who are already receiving pensions. Ideas that merit serious consideration include a system for macroeconomic adjustment that would reduce pension payouts if the population shrinks, as well as reviews of the taxation on pensions and assets. それより、すでに年金を受け取り始めている層にも効く改革案、たとえば人口減少などにあわせ給付を抑える「マクロ経済スライド」の早期発動、年金や資産への課税見直しなどを優先的に検討すべきだろう。
What is crucial is to reassure people that they will receive pension benefits to help support themselves until the end of their lives. To ensure such a sense of security, the government should figure out the levels of benefits that need to be maintained while taking effective steps to increase job opportunities for the elderly. 生きている限り、生活を支えられる現金が受け取れる――。この安心感を担保するため、高齢者雇用を広げながら、どのくらいの年金水準を維持すべきかを考えていきたい。
If the government rushes into cuts in benefits in its efforts to ensure the financial sustainability of the pension plan, it would risk raising fears among people that they will not receive sufficient pensions in their retirement. That would make absolutely no sense. 年金財政の帳尻を、給付削減で合わせようとするあまり、多くの国民が「年金がない。あっても低すぎる」と絶望に陥ってしまっては元も子もない。
Policymakers should not forget the importance of combining employment and pension for making people’s retirement financially secure. 老後の生活は、雇用と年金をあわせて支えていく。この視点を忘れるべきでない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:23 pm, May 24, 2014 Thai military's takeover of country cannot be justified in any way タイクーデター 軍の全権掌握に正統性はない
Thailand’s military has staged a coup amid prolonged political turmoil, making the nation’s political prospects even more uncertain. 政治混迷の続くタイで軍がクーデターに踏み切った。事態の先行きは一層不透明になった。
Thai Army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha announced Thursday that the military had taken full control of the nation, declaring a coup following Tuesday’s imposition of martial law. タイのプラユット陸軍司令官が２２日、「軍が国家の全権を掌握した」と発表した。２０日の戒厳令発令に続くクーデター宣言だ。
With the collapse earlier this month of the government supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the National Peace and Order Maintaining Council, which primarily comprises military leaders, will be in charge of running the nation for the time being. Prayuth will assume the post of acting prime minister. タクシン元首相派の政権は崩壊し、当面、軍首脳らで構成する「国家平和秩序維持評議会」が国家運営にあたる。プラユット氏が首相代行を務める。
It was a drastic change of government in line with the stance of the anti-Thaksin camp, which had been calling on the administration to resign. 政権退陣を求めていた反タクシン派の立場に沿った政変と言えよう。
This is the first coup since 2006, when Thaksin, who had been under fire for allegedly amassing a fortune illegally, was ousted as prime minister. クーデターは、２００６年に不正蓄財疑惑で批判されたタクシン首相が失脚させられて以来だ。
Thailand has a history of attempting to end political turmoil by military coups. This coup was probably staged as a military attempt to end the confusion, given the abnormal situation in which the prime minister was sacked while the lower house of parliament had been dissolved. タイには、軍がクーデターにより、政治混乱の収拾を図ってきた歴史がある。今回は、下院が解散したまま、首相が失職するという異常事態を受けて、軍が混迷に終止符を打とうとしたのだろう。
The military is thought to be aiming to put the nation on a path to stability before transferring power to civilian control. 軍は、安定化への道筋を付け、その後に民政移管することを考えているとみられる。
Whatever its reason may be, ignoring democratic procedures and toppling the government by force should never be condoned. しかし、どのような理由であれ、軍が、民主的な手続きを無視し、力によって政権を打倒する行為は、到底容認できない。
Military lacks legitimacy
Even though it has seized full power, the military clearly lacks legitimacy. It is suppressing human rights by imposing a nighttime curfew and restricting the freedom to assemble. 全権を掌握しても、軍に正統性がないのは明らかだ。夜間外出禁止令や、集会の自由の制限なども課し、人権を抑圧している。
It was appropriate for Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida to express regret and say, “We strongly urge [Thailand] to swiftly restore a democratic political regime.” U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also sharply criticized the Thai military, saying he was “disappointed” by its decision. 岸田外相が、遺憾の意を表明した上で、「民主的な政治体制が速やかに回復することを強く求める」と述べたのは当然だ。ケリー米国務長官も、軍の行動に「失望している」と厳しく批判した。
The military should now find a way to realize political stability through persistent dialogue with various political camps. 軍は今後、政治の安定に向け、各派との粘り強い対話を通じ、着地点を探すことが求められる。
The faction supporting Thaksin has been calling for an election under the current electoral system, which would put the pro-Thaksin camp at an advantage, while the anti-Thaksin camp has been demanding that electoral system reforms be given priority. Under such circumstances, it is no easy task to reach a conclusion that pleases every party concerned, including the military. タクシン派は自派に有利な現行選挙制度での総選挙実施を訴えてきたが、反タクシン派は選挙制度改革を優先させるよう求めている。軍を含む各当事者が満足する結論を出すのは容易ではない。
Of concern is the possibility that Thaksin supporters will stage demonstrations and clash with the military, leading to a situation similar to the armed suppression of Thaksin supporters by the military in 2010, which resulted in more than 90 fatalities. Both sides must exercise self-restraint and not repeat such a tragedy. 懸念されるのは、タクシン派がデモを強行し、軍と衝突することだ。１０年には、軍がタクシン派デモを武力鎮圧し、９０人以上が犠牲になった。惨事を繰り返さぬよう、双方に自制が求められる。
It is difficult to fathom the consequences that the political imbroglio will have on the Thai economy. Indicators clearly show the Thai economy is already slowing, due mainly to sluggish consumer spending. The government’s failure to function effectively has already hindered budget compilation and the approval of large-scale investments. 政治の混迷が、タイの経済に与える悪影響は計り知れない。消費低迷などで、既に成長の減速傾向が鮮明になっている。政府機能が十分に働かず、予算編成や大型投資の認可でも弊害が出ている。
The military should take it to heart that foreign investors, including Japanese companies, regard the nation’s political climate with its repeated coups as a risk factor for investing in Thailand. 日本企業をはじめ、外国資本はクーデターが繰り返される政治風土自体を、タイのリスク要因と見なしている。軍は、そのことを肝に銘じるべきである。
May 22, 2014 EDITORIAL: Court ruling on Oi nuclear plant should be accepted 大飯差し止め―判決「無視」は許されぬ
The Fukui District Court’s ruling May 21 on the Oi nuclear power plant is a sober judgment that fully reflects the lessons learned from the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster. Both Kansai Electric Power Co., the operator of the plant, and the government cannot afford to ignore the ruling. 東京電力福島第一原発事故の教訓を最大限にくみ取った司法判断だ。電力事業者と国は重く受け止めなければならない。
The court ordered Kansai Electric not to restart the No. 3 and No. 4 reactors, which are currently offline for regular maintenance. 関西電力大飯原発３、４号機（福井県おおい町）をめぐり、福井地裁が再稼働の差し止めを命じた。
The court said there was no way of knowing when an earthquake far more powerful than one the electric utility has braced for will strike. Such an event, the court stated, could have grave consequences for residents living within a 250-kilometer radius of the plant in Oi, Fukui Prefecture. 関電側の想定をはるかに上回る地震の可能性が否定できず、少なくとも２５０キロ圏内の住民に重大な被害を及ぼす恐れがある、と判断した。
Presiding Judge Hideaki Higuchi noted that the triple meltdown at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant forced the evacuation of 150,000 local residents, which was the catalyst for the deaths of 60 people, including hospitalized patients. The catastrophic accident three years ago revealed “the true nature of risks inherent in nuclear power technology and the scale of damage” that a serious nuclear accident can cause, Higuchi said. 裁判長は、福島原発事故で１５万人が避難を余儀なくされ、入院患者ら６０人の関連死があったことに言及し、「原発技術の危険性の本質と被害の大きさが明らかになった」とした。
“If the court avoided making a judgment on whether there is even a million-to-one chance of such an accident happening (at the Oi plant), it would amount to a dereliction of duty,” he added. そして「同様の事態を招く危険性が万が一でもあるか。裁判所がその判断を避けることは、最も重要な責務を放棄するに等しい」と述べた。
Presiding over a case involving nuclear power requires considerable expertise. In past rulings, Japanese courts tended to accept what the plant operator and the government claimed at face value. 原発は専門性が高く、過去の訴訟で裁判所は、事業者や国の判断を追認しがちだった。
We give high marks to the Fukui District Court’s decision. It suggests that the court is taking its role as vital guardian of the law very seriouslyafter the nuclear disaster. 事故を機に、法の番人としての原点に立ち返ったと言えよう。高く評価したい。
What is especially notable about the ruling is that it is based entirely on the viewpoint of protecting the lives and livelihoods of people. 特筆されるのは、判決が、国民の命と暮らしを守る、という観点を貫いていることだ。
Kansai Electric argued that the reactors need to be brought back online to ensure a stable supply of electricity and to cut costs. 関電側は電力供給の安定やコスト低減を理由に、再稼働の必要性を訴えた。
But the court ruling roundly criticized the utility’s argument. “It is legally unacceptable to discuss people’s rights concerning their very existence and economic concerns about electricity rates in the same terms,” the court said. これに対し、判決は「人の生存そのものにかかわる権利と、電気代の高い低いを同列に論じること自体、法的に許されない」と断じた。
The ruling also rejected the argument that “suspending nuclear power generation is detrimental to the national interest because it will lead to increasing Japan’s trade deficit and drain of national wealth.” It said, “National wealth means that people can live lives firmly rooted in rich land.” 「原発停止は貿易赤字を増やし、国富流出につながる」という考え方についても、「豊かな国土に、国民が根を下ろして生活していることが国富だ」と一蹴した。
Kansai Electric said it will appeal the ruling. The court ruling is also certain to elicit an angry response from the business community and the local governments hosting the nuclear plant, which both had their sights set on the reactors restarting. 関電は控訴する方針だ。再稼働を望んできた経済界や立地自治体の反発も必至だろう。
The district court’s decision is bound to be welcomed by many Japanese who have been shaken by the great suffering that residents of Fukushima Prefecture have had to endure. しかし、福島原発事故で人々が苦しむのを目の当たりにした多くの国民には、うなずける考え方なのではないか。
After the nuclear accident, the Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA) was established as a more independent nuclear industry watchdog. This had led to more stringent nuclear safety standards than before. 事故後、独立性の高い原子力規制委員会が設置され、新しい規制基準が定められた。
The Abe administration has moved to reactivate idled reactors if they pass the NRA’s safety checks. 安倍政権は規制委の審査に適合した原発は積極的に再稼働させていく方針を示している。
But the court also pointed out the “limit of human ability in the face of (the great forces of) nature.” だが、判決は「自然の前における人間の能力の限界」を指摘した。
There are still many unsolved issues with regard to the Fukushima nuclear disaster; for example, what precisely caused the accident and why damage cut across such wide areas. The ruling was intended as a strong warning against a head-long rush to bring reactors back online based only on limited scientific knowledge. 「福島原発事故がなぜ起き、なぜ被害が広がったか」にすら多くのなぞが残る現状で、限られた科学的知見だけを根拠に再稼働にひた走る姿勢を厳に戒めたといえる。
The operators of nuclear plants, the government and the NRA should offer clear and straightforward answers to the questions raised by the court ruling. 事業者や国、規制委は、判決が投げかけた疑問に正面から答えるべきだ。
They should not be allowed to ignore them, banking on the possibility that a higher court may overturn the lower court’s decision. 上級審での逆転をあてに、無視を決め込むようなことは許されない。
When faced with a life-threatening crisis, humans do not necessarily behave according to set rules. Some will do anything to save their skins. Without factoring in this possibility, is it ever possible to design something that is guaranteed to be safe? 危機が極まった局面では、人間は必ずしも規則通りには動かない。自らの命を優先する者もいる。それを計算に入れずに、どう安全を設計できるのか。
We raise the issue because of a document that recently came to light. It is a record of statements made by Masao Yoshida, who was the manager of the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant at the time of the March 2011 disaster. Yoshida died last July of esophageal cancer. This valuable document covers exchanges Yoshida made when he was questioned by the government's Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations of Tokyo Electric Power Co. 福島第一原発の元所長、吉田昌郎（まさお）氏（昨年１２月に死去）の証言を記録した「吉田調書」の内容が明らかになった。
The document begs a fundamental question: Is it right to entrust operations of nuclear power plants to electric power companies that are private enterprises? 貴重な証言を読むと、根源的な疑問が浮かぶ。原発とは、一民間企業である電力会社に任せていいものなのか、と。
According to the document, Yoshida said that on March 15, four days after the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami crippled the Fukushima No. 1 plant, fears were being voiced that the plant's No. 2 reactor containment vessel was damaged or destroyed. At that most critical juncture, according to the document, about 90 percent of plant workers defied Yoshida's orders and fled to the Fukushima No. 2 plant, about 10 kilometers away, to seek temporary refuge. 政府の事故調査委員会による調書によると、発生４日後だった。原子炉そのものが壊れるかもしれない。その最悪の事態が心配されたとき、所員の９割が命令に反して１０キロ余り離れた別の原発に一時退避したという。
Doubts have always existed about the efficacy of disaster response measures at nuclear power plants. Would any utility really order its workers to risk their lives and keep performing their duties? How many workers would the utility be able to continue to secure during an accident? At Fukushima, these questions were no longer just theoretical. 原発の事故対応をめぐる疑問は以前からあった。電力会社は原発運転員らに「命が危なくても残って作業せよ」と命じられるのか。どこまで必要な人員を確保し続けられるのか。そう危惧される事態が実際に起きていたのである。
The safety of commercial nuclear power plants today can be maintained only if plant operators deal appropriately with any mishap. The more serious the situation, the more people are needed to contain the crisis. But unlike Self-Defense Forces personnel, police officers and firefighters, who are all special-status government workers, nuclear power plant operators are private-sector workers. 現在の商業用原発は、異常が起きた場合、運転員が適切に対応して初めて安全が保たれる。深刻な状況になればなるほど、対応には人手が必要になる。だが、自衛官や警察官、消防士など特殊な公務員と違い、原発運転員は民間従業員である。
The 50 or so workers who stayed at the Fukushima No. 1 plant while the crisis unfolded came to be called the "Fukushima 50" and were lauded around the world for their heroic dedication. But there is no guarantee such heroism will come into play when the next nuclear crisis occurs. The document raises grave questions. 当時、現場に残って献身的に働いた約５０人は「フクシマ・フィフティー」と呼ばれ、世界から称賛された。だが、次の事故でもそんな英雄的精神が発揮される保証はない。吉田調書は重大な問題を投げかけている。
Yet, Shunichi Tanaka, chairman of the Nuclear Regulation Authority, was reportedly not even aware of the document's existence. We find it extremely hard to understand that the head of this organization, created to prevent a recurrence of nuclear crisis, was not familiar with all the details from the outset of the Fukushima disaster. ところが原子力規制委員会の田中俊一委員長は調書の存在自体知らなかったという。事故を繰り返さないために生まれた規制組織が、事故の詳細を把握していないとは理解に苦しむ。
The possibility of plant workers deserting en masse during a crisis was not even raised during discussions last year on establishing new regulatory standards for nuclear power plants. 原発の新しい規制基準が昨年つくられる過程でも、事故時の運転員たちの離脱は、その可能性さえ議論されてこなかった。
Yotaro Hatamura, an expert in the science of failures and former chairman of the government's investigation committee on the Fukushima accident, stated in the overview of the investigation report: "Whatever may happen will happen. Whatever is thought to never happen will also happen." Has nobody heeded Hatamura's warning? 失敗学で知られる政府事故調の畑村洋太郎元委員長は、報告書の総括で「あり得ることは起こる。あり得ないと思うことも起こる」と述べた。その反省はどこへいってしまったのか。
The government's investigation committee interviewed 772 individuals in connection with the Fukushima disaster. There must be many valuable opinions that have yet to be made public. 政府事故調は７７２人もの関係者から事情を聴いている。ほかにも貴重な論点が隠されているに違いない。
TEPCO must reveal every aspect of the mass desertion, and waste no time in doing so. The utility cannot be entrusted with nuclear power plant operations so long as it refuses to face the issue head-on. 東京電力はただちに事実関係を明らかにすべきだ。この問題を正面から議論せずに原発運転を任せることはできない。
For its part, the government should disclose all investigation committee materials to the public and make every effort to ensure that people learn lessons from the Fukushima accident. In the absence of any such effort, we firmly oppose the restart of reactors that are currently off-line. 政府は事故調の資料をすべて公開し、「福島の教訓」を国民的にくみ取る努力を尽くすべきだ。それなしに、再稼働へ突き進むことに反対する。
May 20, 2014 EDITORIAL: What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of? 中国の弾圧―理解できぬ言論封じ
June 4 will mark the 25th anniversary of China’s bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, mainly students, at Beijing's Tiananmen Square. 民主化を求める学生らが弾圧された中国の天安門事件から、来月で四半世紀になる。
Lawyers and scholars who gathered for a small meeting to commemorate the event have recently been detained one after another. この事件について考える小さな集まりを開いた弁護士や学者が最近、次々に拘束された。
In an unacceptable move, the administration headed by President Xi Jinping is stepping up its efforts to suppress freedom of speech and public gatherings. We strongly urge the Chinese government to release all the detainees immediately. 言論や集会への締めつけを強める習近平（シーチンピン）政権の振るまいは、看過できない。ただちに全員を釈放するよう強く求める。
Even today, people in China are not allowed to speak about the 1989 incident in public. The Chinese government, which does everything to maintain the Communist Party’s monopoly on power, still rejects the people’s thirst for democracy, just as it did a quarter of a century ago. 今なお中国では、あの事件を公の場で語ることができない。共産党一党支配を続ける政権は当時と同様に、民主化の要求を受け入れようとしない。
The military opened fire on the Tiananmen protesters as it tried to quash the demonstration, killing many of them. Beijing is trying to place a gag on free speech to cover up this inconvenient historical fact. 鎮圧に乗りだした軍が国民に銃を向け、多数を殺害した。そんな不都合な歴史にふたをするための言論封じでもあろう。
Chinese intellectuals and the families of the victims have been calling on the government to reveal the truth about the incident and reassess it. 知識人や遺族らは、真相の解明や再評価を求めてきた。
A dozen or so people gathered for a private meeting held in Beijing on May 3. 今月３日に北京で開かれた会合も、その活動の一つとして、十数人が集まった。
Among them, five central figures, including Pu Zhiqiang, a prominent civil rights lawyer, and Xu Youyu, a liberal intellectual, have apparently been detained. Contact with them has been lost since May 4. そのうち人権派弁護士の浦志強氏、自由主義知識人の徐友漁氏ら、中心的な５人が翌日以降連絡がつかなくなっている。
The fact that Pu and the others were rounded up immediately after the gathering indicates that security authorities had been constantly watching their movements. 会合直後に摘発したという事実は、当局が常に浦氏らを監視していたことをものがたる。
They have been apparently charged with “creating a disturbance.” But it is hard to understand how such a small private gathering can be regarded as a “disturbance.” 容疑は「騒ぎを引き起こした罪」だとされる。この内輪のささやかな集まりがなぜ「騒ぎ」なのか、理解に苦しむ。
For many years, Pu has been working hard to improve the human rights situation in China. Pu’s biggest achievement so far is his successful campaign for the abolition of the so-called re-education through labor system, which was announced by the Xi administration late last year. The controversial system, commonly known as "laojiao," was used to detain people for political education through labor for long periods without an open trial. 浦氏は長年、人権の改善に尽力してきた。最大の功績は、裁判なしに拘束、長期労働させる「労働矯正制度」を昨年末、習政権に撤廃させたことだ。
The program, which dates back to the era of Mao Tse-tung, had also been used to suppress free speech. Pu has long been calling for its abolition. This background has made his detention all the more shocking. 毛沢東時代以来のその制度は言論弾圧にも使われ、浦氏はずっと廃止を呼びかけてきた。それだけに今回の拘束は大きな衝撃を与えている。
In addition, prominent journalist Gao Yu, a former reporter for Xinhua news agency who was once involved in the Tiananmen movement, has gone missing. Some other domestic and foreign journalists have also been detained. ほかにも、天安門の運動に加わった経歴のある元新華社記者の高瑜氏が行方不明になっており、別の内外の報道関係者も複数拘束されている。
Human rights groups and research institutes around the world have issued statements voicing concern about these moves. こうした事態に憂慮を深める声明が、世界の人権団体や研究組織から相次いでいる。
A spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry has rejected the international criticism, saying that since China is a nation under the rule of law, any violation of Chinese law is punished according to the law. 中国外務省報道官は「中国は法治国家である。中国の法律に触れれば、法によって処罰される」と反論している。
But does a country that detains people who only gathered for discussions deserve to be called a nation ruled by law? しかし、ただ集まって語り合っただけの人びとを捕まえるような国が法治国家の名に値するだろうか。
Beijing’s abuse of the legal system to silence dissent has only been getting worse. In April, a Chinese appellate court upheld the four-year prison sentence for prominent legal scholar and rights advocate Xu Zhiyong. He was convicted of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order.” Xu has been leading a grass-roots New Citizens’ Movement, which calls for the protection of people’s rights based on the Constitution. 司法による言論弾圧の動きは強まるばかりだ。憲法に基づく権利を求めた「新公民運動」の主導者、許志永氏は先月、「公共の秩序を乱した罪」で懲役４年が確定した。
What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of? Its adamant determination not to allow any political organizations or dissenting voices that challenge the Communist Party’s grip on power can only be considered a sign of its lack of self-confidence. 習政権はいったい、何を恐れているのか。共産党以外の政治組織も主張も一切認めぬ、かたくなな態度は、自信のなさを示しているとしか思えない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:13 pm, May 19, 2014 Safety inspections for antiquated bridges, tunnels urgently needed インフラ老朽化 橋とトンネルの点検を着実に
Inspections of aging infrastructure such as bridges and tunnels are urgently needed to promptly work out and implement safety measures. This is a challenge that weighs heavily on local governments around the country. 老朽化する橋やトンネルを点検し、迅速に安全対策を講じなくてはならない。全国の自治体にとって重い課題だ。
Effective from July, the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry will make it obligatory for bridges and tunnels under the administration of prefectural governments as well as those managed by city, town and village municipalities to receive safety checks every five years. Local governments are supposed to assess the safety of bridges and tunnels in four stages, and take countermeasures corresponding to the respective stages. 国土交通省は７月から都道府県道や市町村道にある橋やトンネルを５年ごとに点検するよう、各自治体に義務付ける。自治体は橋やトンネルの安全性を４段階で自己評価し、レベルに応じた対策に取り組む。
If a structure is judged as being in a “state requiring emergency measures,” with impediments to its proper functions or having an extremely high possibility of impediments, the rules laid down by the ministry call for the local government concerned to carry out swift repairs and impose necessary traffic regulations. 構造物の機能に支障が生じたり、その可能性が著しく高かったりする「緊急措置段階」と診断された場合は、迅速な修繕や通行規制を実施するルールだ。
Up to now, there have been no criteria of safety inspections common to all local governments, such as frequency of inspections and safety evaluation methods. The central government’s action is proper, as it is aimed at obliging local entities to carry out safety inspections and assessments uniformly to resolve the problem of decaying infrastructure. 自治体には共通の点検基準がなく、検査の頻度や、安全性の評価方法はまちまちだった。政府が点検や安全診断を一律に自治体へ課し、老朽化対策を進めるのは妥当と言えよう。
What is problematic in this connection is that damage to and deterioration of infrastructure, or social overhead capital, such as bridges and tunnels, many of which were built during the period of rapid economic growth, will certainly worsen rapidly from now on. 懸念されるのは、高度成長期に整備された橋やトンネルといったインフラ（社会資本）の損傷や劣化が今後、急速に進むことだ。
About 40 percent of bridges throughout the country and about 30 percent of tunnels will be more than 50 years old in 10 years from now. 完成から５０年以上が経過する施設は１０年後、全国の橋で約４割、トンネルで約３割にも達する。
It should be noted that it is not the central government but local governments that are in charge of administering 90 percent of the nation’s 700,000 bridges and 70 percent of the 10,000 tunnels. Local entities must lose no time in buckling down to the task of dealing with aging infrastructure. 特に自治体は、全国に約７０万ある橋の９割、約１万に上るトンネルの７割を管理している。自治体の老朽化対策は待ったなしだ。
Scarcity of engineers
Infrastructure safety measures taken so far by local governments are inadequate. これまで自治体の安全対策は十分だったとは言い難い。
A fact-finding survey the ministry conducted in the wake of the collapse of part of the ceiling of the Sasago Tunnel of the Chuo Expressway in Yamanashi Prefecture in December 2012 revealed that 30 percent of local governments with tunnels under their jurisdiction had never conducted a safety inspection of any tunnel before the Sasago Tunnel collapse. ２０１２年１２月に起きた中央自動車道・笹子トンネルでの天井板崩落事故を受けて、国交省が実態を調査したところ、事故後になって、初めてトンネルを点検した市町村は約３割に達した。
The reluctance of local governments to carry out repairs on aging infrastructure may be due to a shortage of funds and inadequate technical capabilities. 多くの自治体が老朽化対策に消極的な背景には、予算や技術力が乏しい事情がうかがえる。
Therefore, the central government’s action simply to oblige local governments to conduct regular safety inspections and come up with safety evaluations may not produce the desired results. 国が自治体に定期点検や安全性の評価を義務付けるだけでは、対策の効果は十分に上がるまい。
It is necessary for both the central government and local entities to redouble their efforts to secure sources of funds to deal with aging infrastructure and beef up collaboration with private-sector businesses. 政府・自治体は、老朽化対策の財源確保や民間企業との連携強化に工夫を凝らす必要がある。
It may be inevitable to close down bridges and tunnels that have seen little use in depopulated areas to reduce the number of those to be inspected and repaired to cut expenditures. 過疎化でほとんど利用されていない橋やトンネルは閉鎖して点検や修繕の対象を絞り込み、費用を抑制することもやむを得ない。
If a number of city, town and village governments got together in issuing contracts to repair aging infrastructure, they would be able to boost the efficiency in budgetary appropriations. 複数の市町村が企業に修繕を一括発注できれば、予算の効率的な執行に役立つだろう。
Meanwhile, local governments also suffer from a serious shortage of engineers to maintain and repair infrastructure. About 50 percent of the country’s town governments and 70 percent of village governments have no engineers capable of inspecting bridges. 自治体の技術者不足も深刻だ。橋を点検できる職員のいない町は全国の５割、村は７割に上る。
Is it not possible for the central government and businesses to send engineers to local entities plagued by manpower shortages and have them carry out inspections and repairs on infrastructure that require a high level of skill? 国や企業の技術者を人材難の自治体に派遣し、高度な技術を要する点検・修繕を代行させる仕組みが考えられないか。
Due consideration also should be given to training courses to improve the technical capabilities of local governments so they can carry out infrastructure maintenance and create an ability-based qualification system. 自治体の技術力を高める研修を充実したり、資格制度を新設したりする方策も検討に値しよう。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:12 pm, May 18, 2014 Govt, BOJ must tide over economy’s downturn in the wake of sales tax hike ５・９％成長 駆け込みの反動減を乗り切れ
The national economy’s higher-than-expected growth in the first three months of the year is due primarily to a last-minute surge in demand ahead of the three-percentage-point consumption tax hike to 8 percent in April. 消費税率引き上げ前の駆け込み需要で押し上げられた高成長である。
To prevent business activities from stalling because of a slowdown of personal consumption in reaction to the tax hike, the government and the Bank of Japan must, without fail, make every possible effort to properly handle economic policy. 増税後の反動による消費減少で景気失速を招かぬよう、政府と日銀は政策運営に万全を期すべきだ。
According to a report the Cabinet Office released Thursday, the nation’s gross domestic product during the January-March quarter climbed sharply at an inflation-adjusted annual rate of 5.9 percent, and 1.5 percent compared with the previous quarter. 内閣府が発表した１～３月期の実質国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）は、前期比１・５％増、年率換算で５・９％増の高い伸びとなった。
The broad expansion in consumer spending served as a major driving force for the jump in GDP—the total value of goods and services produced across the country. Prior to the rise in the tax rate to 8 percent from April 1, there was a large increase in spending on durable goods such as automobiles and home appliances. 牽引けんいん役は、個人消費の大幅な増加だ。４月から消費税率が８％に上がる前に、自動車や家電などを購入する動きが強まった。
Corporate capital spending, another pillar of domestic demand, also registered a remarkable growth in the first three months of this year, up 4.9 percent from the previous quarter, the highest in about two years. The boost in corporate confidence in capital investment, with companies’ business performances helped by the economic tailwind, including the yen’s weakening, can safely be claimed as a factor favorable to putting the national economy on a full-fledged growth track led by the private sector. 内需のもう一つの柱である企業の設備投資も、前期比４・９％増と、約２年ぶりの大幅な増加を記録した。円安などを追い風に業績を回復した企業の投資マインドの改善は、民間主導の本格成長への好材料と言える。
It is feared, however, that the pace of growth may plunge, at least temporarily, after April because of the adverse impact of the consumption tax increase. It is imperative to minimize the economic pullback. だが、４月以降は消費増税の影響によって、経済成長にいったんブレーキがかかることが懸念される。景気の落ち込みを最小限にとどめる必要がある。
The government should make efforts to steadily implement a fiscal stimulus spending program worth ¥5.5 trillion that was incorporated into a supplementary budget for fiscal 2013. 政府は、２０１３年度補正予算に盛り込んだ５・５兆円規模の経済対策の、着実な執行に努めてもらいたい。
Reliance on fiscal spending, however, should be limited. Swift recovery of private-sector demand, such as consumption, is of key importance. ただし、財政出動に頼り続けるわけにはいかない。消費など民需の速やかな回復が大切だ。
Fall in exports worrying
Such economic indicators as sales at department stores and purchases of new cars logged negative month-on-month growth figures in April. Although some analysts say the shrinkage is within their expectations, there can of course be no room for undue optimism. 百貨店の売り上げや新車販売台数は、４月にマイナスに転じた。落ち込みは想定内とする見方もあるが、油断は禁物だろう。
It is necessary to improve the employment and income environment for the populace to shore up domestic demand. The news in this connection is encouraging in that many businesses raised regular monthly pay in the spring by taking into account requests from the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to increase the wages of employees. 雇用・所得環境をさらに改善して、需要を下支えすることが求められる。安倍政権の要請もあり、多くの企業が今春、ベースアップに踏み切ったのは心強い。
Whether the moves for higher wages will spread to employees of small and midsize companies, as well as part-timers and other nonregular workers, to ensure robust growth is a truly big challenge. 賃上げの動きを中小企業の社員やパートなどの非正規労働者にも波及させ、力強い成長を実現できるかどうかが課題である。
The aggregate of after-tax profits of companies listed on the First Section of the Tokyo Stock Exchange in the settlements of accounts for the year ended March 31 this year were double the figure for the previous year. Decisions by high-performance companies to continue to give back some of their profits in the form of higher wages and bonuses for employees will certainly help expand consumption, which will in turn lead to increased corporate profits, thus creating a driving force to realize a “virtuous economic cycle.” 今年３月期決算で、上場企業の税引き後利益の合計は、前年から倍増した。好業績の企業が今後も利益を給与やボーナスで社員に還元することが、消費を増やし、それが企業利益を押し上げる「好循環経済」の原動力になる。
It is also important for private enterprises to determine carefully what lines of business should be considered promising to accelerate their capital investment. 民間企業が将来性のある事業をしっかり見極め、前向きの投資を加速させることも重要である。
What is worrisome, however, is that the nation’s exports have yet to recover despite of the weakness of the yen. 気がかりなのは、円安が定着しているのに、輸出が思うように回復していない構造的な問題だ。
Given that the growth of China and emerging economies in Asia has slowed down, the uncertainties of future prospects of demand from abroad have been deepening alarmingly. 中国やアジア新興国の成長率が鈍化し、外需の先行きは一段と不透明になってきた。
It is time for Japan to more effectively use its assets for creatively manufacturing products, including the “one-only” skills that are particular to many small and midsize businesses and a mountain of patents major companies currently possess but have not used, so as to enhance this country’s global earning power. 中小企業の持つオンリーワン技術や大企業に埋もれる多数の特許など、日本のもの作りの財産を有効活用し、「世界で稼ぐ力」を今こそ高めなければならない。
May 17, 2014 EDITORIAL: Heavy-handed approach to Futenma can only antagonize Okinawa 辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か
An extraordinary situation concerning the proposed relocation of the U.S. military’s Futenma base is unfolding in Okinawa, which marked the 42nd anniversary of its reversion to Japan on May 15. この１５日に本土復帰から４２年を迎えた沖縄県で、米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の移設をめぐって、異常ともいえる事態が進行している。
The Japanese government is aggressively pushing ahead with preparations for carrying out its plan to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in the crowded city of Ginowan to the sparsely populated Henoko district of Nago, another city in the prefecture. 名護市辺野古への移設をめざす政府が、強引に工事の準備に取りかかっているのだ。
On April 11, the Abe administration took its first step toward building the new base when the Okinawa Defense Bureau, the Defense Ministry’s local bureau in charge of implementing the plan, submitted six requests with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine. One of the requests was for use of the Henoko fishing port as an open storage yard for construction materials. まず動きがあったのは４月１１日。政府の担当部局である沖縄防衛局が工事に先立ち、資材置き場として使う辺野古漁港の使用許可申請など６件の申請書を、名護市長宛てに提出した。
The move was made abruptly without any advance consultation. Officials at the defense bureau brought the applications into the Nago city office just before the end of the office hours. Some of the application documents were left with the wrong departments. それは事前調整もなく突然のことだった。防衛局職員が持ち込んだのは市役所の閉庁間際。提出先を間違え、他の部署に置いて帰った書類もある。
The documents unilaterally set a May 12 deadline for replying to the requests, although there is no legal basis for such a deadline. There were also many errors in the documents, such as omissions. 文書には、根拠のない「回答期限」が一方的に設定されていたほか、記載漏れなどの不備が目立った。
Although the Nago municipal government asked the bureau to resubmit the applications, the bureau has refused to do so, saying the documents were in order. 名護市は再提出を求めたが、防衛局は「適正だった」と拒んだまま。
The unilaterally set May 12 deadline has passed, but the bureau remains intent on forging ahead with the construction plan while assuming that its requests have been turned down by the city. 期限とした５月１２日は過ぎた。防衛局は許可が得られなかったものとして、計画を進めるという構えを崩さない。
Bewildered by the bureau’s attitude, the official in charge of the matter at the Nago municipal government said, “Since the applications don’t meet the formal requirements, we can’t start reviewing them.” 市の担当者は「申請書の形式を満たしておらず、審査に入れない」と戸惑う。
In January, when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke about the plan to move the Futenma air base to the Henoko district, he said, “We intend to proceed with the plan in a sincere manner while trying to win the understanding of the local communities.” 普天間飛行場の辺野古移設について、安倍首相は１月に「地元の皆様のご理解をいただきながら、誠意を持って前に進めていきたい」と語った。
But the reality belies his words. There has been no sign of good faith in the way the administration has been dealing with the matter. ところが、現状は見ての通り。誠意のかけらもない。
The heavy-handed approach the government adopted appears to be an open challenge to Mayor Inamine, who was re-elected in January by running on a campaign to stop the relocation of the Funtenma base to Nago. After his re-election, he pledged to block the start of the construction of the new base by using his powers as the mayor. １月の名護市長選で移設反対を訴えて再選され、「権限を行使して着工を阻止する」と表明した稲嶺進市長に挑むような、強硬姿勢だ。
The government plans to start drilling into the seabed for necessary investigations as early as June with an eye on beginning reclamation work next spring. 政府は６月以降、海底ボーリング調査を開始し、来春にも埋め立て工事に着手する予定だ。
However, the government has offered no convincing answers to concerns about possible major negative effects on the environment and people’s lives. It is feared that in addition to causing noise and other nuisances to local residents, the runways of the envisioned base, which would extend over water from the U.S. military's existing Camp Schwab, would also have a serious impact on the marine ecosystem that nurtures dugong, a rare marine mammal designated by the government as a protected species, and a coral reef community. しかし、国の天然記念物のジュゴンやサンゴの群落など、近海の豊かな生態系への影響や騒音など、環境や生活に大きな支障が出るという心配に、政府は納得いく説明をしていない。
If it wants to win the “understanding of the local communities,” the government needs to respond head-on to these concerns. 「地元の理解」を得るには、まず地元の心配に正面から答えなくてはならない。
There has been growing support for Okinawa’s opposition to the base relocation plan among intellectuals and politicians overseas. American film director Oliver Stone, for instance, has issued a statement opposing the project. 米国の映画監督オリバー・ストーンさんらが移設反対の声明を出すなど、海外の知識人や政治家の間に、沖縄への理解が広まりつつある。
In an effort to convince the U.S. public of the unfairness of the relocation plan, Inamine left for a trip to the United States on May 15. 米国世論に移設の不当性を直接訴えたいと１５日、稲嶺市長が渡米した。
On the same day, Abe announced that the administration will start considering a change of the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to make it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. 同じ１５日、安倍首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認の検討を表明した。
Does this controversial initiative represent the nation to which Okinawa wanted so eagerly to return when it was occupied by the U.S. military and denied the benefits of the pacifist Constitution? それは、平和憲法の及ばない米軍占領下、沖縄が復帰を熱望した祖国の姿だろうか。
The stern-faced government that is forging ahead with the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture in the face of strong local opposition cannot embody the country to which Okinawa wanted to belong. まして、反対いまだ根強い県内移設にひたすら突き進む、こわばった顔つきの国が、望んだ祖国であるはずもない。
May 16, 2014 EDITORIAL: Collective self-defense a question of whether Japan can go to war 集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない
A private advisory panel submitted a report to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 15, calling on the government to take steps to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. The report drafted by the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security said the government should change the traditional interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution that prohibits Japan from taking part in collective self-defense, as maintained by successive Cabinets. 歴代の内閣が憲法９条のもとで否定してきた集団的自衛権の行使を、政府解釈の変更によって認めるべきだ――。 安倍首相の私的諮問機関「安全保障の法的基盤の再構築に関する懇談会」がきのう、こんな提言を柱にした報告書を首相に出した。
After receiving the report, Abe announced the start of a political process, including talks between the ruling coalition parties, to make it possible for Japan to use its right to collective self-defense. これを受けて、安倍氏は集団的自衛権の行使容認に向けた与党協議などの政治プロセスに入ることを表明した。
USING SELF-DEFENSE RIGHT MEANS WAR ■自衛権の行使＝戦争
Successive Cabinets have shared a view that Japan has to revise the Constitution before it is allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense. 集団的自衛権の行使を認めるには、憲法改正の手段をとらざるを得ない。歴代内閣はこうした見解を示してきた。
Any amendment to the Constitution must be approved by the public in a special referendum under procedures stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. However, Abe is trying to skip this procedure and make a fundamental shift in Japan’s postwar pacifist policy only through talks among the ruling parties and a Cabinet decision. 安倍氏が進めようとしているのは、憲法９６条に定める改憲手続きによって国民に問うべき平和主義の大転換を、与党間協議と閣議決定によってすませてしまおうというものだ。
His move represents a radical departure from the principle of constitutionalism under which a government is based on a Constitution and could have seriously harmful effects on the nation. 憲法に基づいて政治を行う立憲主義からの逸脱である。弊害はあまりにも大きい。
First of all, Abe’s plan will fundamentally change Japan’s postwar pacifism, which emerged after serious national soul-searching about World War II. まず、戦争の反省から出発した日本の平和主義が根本的に変質する。
The proposed change will pave the way for the use of armed force by the Self-Defense Forces in situations where Japan is not under attack. That means Japan could join in a war that has not been directly waged against it. 日本が攻撃されたわけではないのに、自衛隊の武力行使に道を開く。これはつまり、参戦するということである。
The advisory panel has set some conditions for Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The report says Japan can use the right only in situations where its safety could be seriously threatened and only if it has received an explicit request or consent (from the country that has been attacked). 懇談会は、集団的自衛権を行使するには「わが国の安全に重大な影響を及ぼす可能性がある」「（攻撃された国の）明示の要請または同意を得る」といった条件をつけている。
But none of these conditions can be a clear and effective restriction because they are either a simple assumption or a norm under international law. だが、いずれも単なる前提に過ぎなかったり、国際法上あたり前のことだったりして、明確な歯止めとはなり得ない。
This is simply a question of whether or not Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense. Both Abe and the panel emphasize that Japan should be allowed to use the right for a minimum required level of defense. But such a quantitative notion is meaningless. 集団的自衛権を行使するかしないかは、二つに一つだ。首相や懇談会が強調する「必要最小限なら認められる」という量的概念は意味をなさない。
The moment Japan exercises the right, this nation becomes the enemy of the other country involved. 日本が行使したとたん、相手にとって日本は敵国となる。
Also, changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution would amount to approving a distorted form of governance that effectively puts the Constitution under the Cabinet’s control. また解釈変更は、内閣が憲法を支配するといういびつな統治構造を許すことにもなる。
This prospect inevitably raises concerns that even the basic principles of the Constitution, such as popular sovereignty and respect for fundamental human rights, could be affected by the intentions of the government. That means Japan will no longer be able to claim to be a nation under the rule of law. 国民主権や基本的人権の尊重といった憲法の基本原理ですら、時の政権の意向で左右されかねない。法治国家の看板を下ろさなければいけなくなる。
Moreover, the Abe administration’s move to forcibly make a virtual constitutional amendment by reinterpreting the Constitution while failing to take effective steps to improve Japan’s relations with its neighbors will exacerbate the already high tensions in East Asia. そして、近隣国との関係改善を置き去りにしたまま解釈改憲を強行することで、東アジアの緊張はかえって高まる。
UNACCEPTABLE DOUBLE STANDARDS ■見過ごせぬ二重基準
Abe’s remarks at the May 15 news conference were difficult to understand. きのうの記者会見での首相発言は、理解しがたかった。
In addition to calling for changing the government’s position on Japan’s right to collective self-defense, the advisory panel urged the administration to change its interpretation of the Constitution to adopt the position that there are no constitutional restrictions on the use of armed force by the SDF under the United Nations framework of collective security. 懇談会は集団的自衛権のほか、国連の集団安全保障のもとでの自衛隊の武力行使に憲法の制約はないと解釈するよう、政府見解の変更を求めた。
Abe refused to accept this proposal, saying it is “logically inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution.” 首相はこの考え方を「これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは論理的に整合せず、採用できない」と退けた。
By the same token, the proposal to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense is also inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9. それをいうなら集団的自衛権の行使容認も、これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは整合しない。
Even so, Abe invoked the government’s constitutional theory, announced in 1972, that Japan is not prohibited by the Constitution from taking measures for self-defense that are necessary to maintain its peace and safety and ensure its existence. He then claimed that the argument that Japan should be allowed to engage in collective self-defense operations is based on the government’s “basic stance.” それなのに首相は、「自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛の措置」は禁じられていないという７２年の政府見解を引き、集団的自衛権は許されるとの考えは「政府の基本的な立場を踏まえている」と評価した。
But in 1972, the government said, following the statement quoted by Abe, that the Constitution banned Japan from exercising its right to collective self-defense. Accepting the panel’s proposal without referring to this fact can only be described as deception using double standards. だが、７２年の見解は、首相の引用部分に続いて「集団的自衛権の行使は憲法上許されない」と明記している。そこには触れぬまま提言を受け入れようというのは、二重基準によるごまかしとしか言いようがない。
Will lawmakers of Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, accept such a transparent sham in their talks over the proposal? We cannot take our eyes off the political process. これから与党協議に臨む自民党や公明党の議員は、こんなまやかしを認めてしまうのだろうか。協議の行方から目を離すことはできない。
DO NOT REMOVE ARTICLE 9 RESTRICTIONS ■９条のたがを外すな
Besides the question of exercising the right to collective self-defense, the panel’s report also deals with other related issues, including whether and when SDF troops should be allowed to use weapons while taking part in U.N. peacekeeping operations and how to respond to intrusions into Japanese territories and territorial waters that are not regarded as armed attacks. 一方、集団的自衛権の行使容認とは別に、報告書は国連ＰＫＯの際の武器使用のあり方や、日本の領土・領海への武力攻撃とまではいえない侵害への対応にも触れている。
The panel’s argument that there are no constitutional restrictions on the SDF’s use of weapons during peacekeeping operations is totally unacceptable. But it is true that these issues demand careful discussions. 「ＰＫＯでの武器使用に憲法の制約はない」という懇談会の提言は論外にしても、ＰＫＯなどの問題は、一つひとつ丁寧に検討すべき論点であることは確かだ。
As for the SDF’s use of weapons overseas, the government has been walking on a tightrope in interpreting the Constitution and enacting related legislation in its efforts to respond to international calls for Japan’s active involvement in peacekeeping operations without violating the pacifist principles of Article 9. It is true that this pursuit of mutually conflicting goals has led to some serious inconsistencies concerning the SDF’s peacekeeping activities. 海外での武器使用に関しては、政府は９条の平和主義と国際社会からの要請とのはざまで、針の穴を通すような憲法解釈や立法を重ねてきた。そうした矛盾がＰＫＯの現場で端的に表れてきたのも事実だ。
But this is a restriction Japanese people have imposed on themselves out of their respect for Article 9 of the Constitution. しかし、それは憲法９条を尊重してきた日本国民が自らに課した「たが」でもある。
Few would dispute the need to make more efforts to figure out ways to solve the problems related to the inconsistencies. Obviously, however, measures to be considered should be limited by the restrictions imposed by Article 9 unless the Constitution is amended. この矛盾を少しでも解消するため、さらに知恵を絞るべきなのは当然のことである。ただし、憲法を改正するのでなければ、検討は９条の範囲内にとどめるのもまた当然である。
Abe appears intent on using his initiative to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense as a breakthrough in his quest to eventually remove all restrictions imposed by Article 9. 首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認を突破口に、やがては９条のしばりを全面的に取り払おうとしているように見える。
If this is the principal goal of Abe’s political agenda for the nation’s “break away from the postwar regime,” it is unacceptable. これが「戦後レジームからの脱却」の本質であるならば、看過できない。
For what purpose should Japan be allowed to use its right to collective self-defense? What should be done to ensure Japan’s security and enhance its contribution to international peace? The goals of the government’s security policy and the means to achieve them should be the right ones. いったい何のための集団的自衛権の行使なのか。日本の安全確保や国際平和への貢献のために何をすべきなのか。その目的や手順を誤ってはならない。
May 15, 2014 EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan 路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for fundamental changes in our society. The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “seconddefeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society. 変わらなければ。 変えなければ。 東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the “Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers. それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since then. ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」 あれから３年近くが経った。
ABE SOWS SEEDS ■首相がまく種
During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects. 自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。
The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change. 何も変えられなかった。
Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary. 冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。
There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided much political capital for the Abe administration. 民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。
A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing opinions. 反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others' opinions. しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えているようだ。
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision. 憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking. これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own? The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians. 気づいているだろうか。 首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD ■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law. The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers. 「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets. They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally. 憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コールの練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.” These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku. 出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズムに乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns. 大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.” 「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。このままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making ‘constant efforts’ to do so.” 「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts. 私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society. 社会を変えたい？ いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds. 強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and questions if they think that something is wrong. 民主主義ってなんだ？ 手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。 間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard. だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others. 「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。 「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to cling to something by engaging in physical activities. ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle. 彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING ■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of May. ５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event. 数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.” 植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku. 非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対する人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion). つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。 見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、 見えぬものでもあるんだよ。 （金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places. たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again. きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly. 社会は変わっている。 深く、静かに、緩やかに。
May 15, 2014 EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan 路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for
fundamental changes in our society. The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1
nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “second
defeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society. 変わらなければ。 変えなければ。 東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い
自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear
power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the
“Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers. それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and
demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such
rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional
restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision. 憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp
body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking. これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and
the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own? The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians. 気づいているだろうか。 首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠
慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD ■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s
Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law. The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers. 「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets.
They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the
Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally. 憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コール
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy
bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.”
These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku. 出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズム
に乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns. 大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state
secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I
love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.” 「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。この
ままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making
‘constant efforts’ to do so.” 「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts. 私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society. 社会を変えたい？ いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds. 強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they
need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and
questions if they think that something is wrong. 民主主義ってなんだ？ 手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。 間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard. だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others. 「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。 「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to
cling to something by engaging in physical activities. ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they
don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle. 彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続
ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING ■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of
May. ５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become
part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event. 数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in
their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.” 植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages
and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in
front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might
not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last
December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku. 非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対す
る人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu
Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion). つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。 見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、 見えぬものでもあるんだよ。 （金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the
voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places. たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-
defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again. きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly. 社会は変わっている。 深く、静かに、緩やかに。
May 14, 2014 EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities. 核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of global crisis. にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China. 来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons. ４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らしたと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession. 中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave responsibilities. あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state. 期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations. 準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the United States to participate in this conference. 今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air. オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウクライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal. 通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative, China will become increasingly unable to have its way. 核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for disarmament. 口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world. オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
May 14, 2014 EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest
for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries
from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all
countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities. 核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を
禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of
global crisis. にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT
closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries
and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China. 来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認
められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written
reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear
capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map
for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons. ４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らし
たと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession. 中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons
despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state. 期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear
weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear
Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations. 準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、
注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally
of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the
United States to participate in this conference. 今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加
を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon
strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since
deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air. オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウク
ライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its
deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United
States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging
nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal. 通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促
してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the
days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative,
China will become increasingly unable to have its way. 核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米
ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for
disarmament. 口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to
establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world. オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
May 13, 2014 EDITORIAL: Tokyo given great opportunity to become more bicycle-friendly （社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める
The bicycle is the most useful tool for making society less dependent on cars. 自転車は脱クルマの切り札である。
Children, adults and elderly people can use bicycles to improve mobility. Bicycles help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and offer an effective way to get around when public transportation is disrupted by earthquakes and other natural disasters. 子どもから高齢者までみんなが乗れる。温暖化や帰宅困難者の対策になり、健康にも良い。
Cycling is also good for the health.
Given the aging of the nation’s driving population, the use of bicycles should be promoted as a safer alternative to automobiles. ドライバーの高齢化を考えても、車から自転車への乗りかえを進めた方が安心だ。
Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe has pledged to reduce the daily flow of cars into central Tokyo as part of the metropolitan government’s efforts to prepare the city for the 2020 Summer Olympics. Masuzoe has also promised to make the capital a more bicycle-friendly city. ２０２０年東京五輪に向け、都心に流れ込む車を減らす。自転車で動きやすい街にする。舛添要一知事はそう掲げる。
London was also said to be lagging behind many other major cities around the world in terms of cycle-friendliness. However, London established many bicycle lanes, using the opportunity offered by hosting the 2012 Olympics. ロンドンも遅れていると言われていたが、五輪を機に自転車レーン整備が急速に進んだ。
Tokyo also has a great opportunity to promote bicycle transportation in the six years until the 2020 sports event. The Japanese capital should lead other local governments by making the shift from cars to bicycles. 東京もこの６年が好機だ。首都から自転車シフトを進めて、全国に広げたい。
The big challenge is taking effective measures to reduce accidents involving bicycles. それには事故対策が重要だ。
Roads in Japan are much safer today than during the period of rapid economic growth, when the term “traffic war” was used to describe the dangers on the streets. But the percentage of pedestrians and cyclists in all traffic fatalities in Japan remains far higher than the ratios in other industrialized nations. 交通戦争と呼ばれた高度成長期を思えば、日本の道路はずいぶん安全になった。それでも他の先進国に比べると、事故の死者に占める歩行者と自転車の割合は突出して高い。
Also alarming is that accidents between cyclists and pedestrians have increased by 14 percent over the past decade in Japan, while the number of all traffic accidents has declined by one-third. 自転車対歩行者の事故の増加も気になる。交通事故全体が１０年前の３分の２に減るなかで１４％増えている。
In some lawsuits, cyclists have been ordered to pay tens of millions of yen in damages for causing accidents that have killed or seriously injured pedestrians. 死亡や障害を負わせる事故を起こして数千万円の賠償判決を受けた例もある。
The law requires cyclists to ride close to the left side of the road, in principle. But many cyclists still use sidewalks, mainly to avoid the terror of riding on roadways with honking cars speeding past. 自転車は原則として車道の左側を、と法に明記されていても歩道走行はなかなか無くならない。自転車のすぐ横を車が警笛を鳴らして走り去る。そんな車道には怖くて下りにくい。
The environment for cycling on streets should be improved significantly, with priority placed on the safety of vulnerable road users. まず、自転車が車道を安全に走れる環境を整えよう。何より「弱者優先」の徹底が大切だ。
Many people tend to think that bicycle lanes will never gain ground in Japan because the roads are generally narrower. 日本は道幅が狭いから自転車レーンが広がらない。
“That’s a typical way of thinking that reflects the deep-rooted car-first mentality among people steeped in a car-oriented culture,” says Shigeki Kobayashi, who heads a nonprofit organization devoted to promoting the use of bicycles. “Why would you give the priority to cars in the allocation of space on narrow roads?” そう考えがちだが、自転車活用を推進するＮＰＯの小林成基理事長は言う。「それは車優先の染みついたクルマ脳の発想です。なんで道幅が狭くても車の取り分から先に考えるんですか？」
We need to reconsider the priorities of road use. Pedestrians should come first, followed by public transportation vehicles and bicycles. Private cars should be last on the priority list. まず歩く人。次に公共交通と自転車。最後に私有車。道路を使う優先順位を見直そう。
One effective way to make motorists recognize the principle that cyclists should ride on roads is to create specially painted bicycle-only lanes. 自転車は、車道を走るもの。ドライバーにそう認識させるために効果的なのは、車道上に色を塗って自転車の通り道を示すことだ。
An experiment conducted in Tokyo by the transport ministry and other organizations showed that bike lanes sharply reduce the number of cyclists riding on sidewalks. Still, many cyclists are afraid to use roadways even with lanes designated for bicycles. 国土交通省などが都内で試みた実験では、歩道走行は大きく減った。 それでもやはり車道は怖い。そう思う人も多いだろう。
It is important to note that most accidents between bicycles and cars occur at intersections. ただ、自転車と車の事故の大半は交差点で起きている。
Cyclists who enter intersections on the road are more clearly visible to drivers than cyclists who suddenly dart into intersections from sidewalks. 歩道から突然交差点に出るより、初めから車道を走る方が、車から見えるから安全と言われる。
Stricter speed limits should be imposed on streets in central parts of Tokyo. Businesses and shopping districts should be required to offer more bicycle parking spaces so that footpaths are not clogged with illegally parked bikes. 中心市街地は車の速度制限をもっと厳しくすべきだし、違法駐輪で歩道をふさがないよう企業や商店街に駐輪場を増やすべきだ。
And cyclists must never forget the principle that pedestrians have the right of way. 自転車に乗る人も歩行者優先を忘れてはならない。
We hope the Tokyo Olympics will catalyze a radical change of the car-oriented transport culture in this nation. 強い者勝ちの街を変えるきっかけに五輪がなればいい。
May 12, 2014 EDITORIAL: Threat posed by volcanic eruptions to nuclear plants must be carefully examined 原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ
Now is the time to rethink the risk of operating nuclear power plants in Japan, which is one of the most volcanically active countries in the world. 日本は世界有数の火山国である。そこに原発を抱えるリスクを、改めて熟考すべきときだ。
Kyushu Electric Power Co. is currently aiming to restart the operations of idled reactors in its Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture. However, in the Nuclear Regulation Authority's inspection process on whether to permit the restarts, the possible consequences of volcanic eruptions in surrounding areas is attracting attention. 九州電力が再稼働をめざす川内（せんだい）原発（鹿児島県）の審査で、周辺火山の噴火の影響がクローズアップされている。
Based on the new safety standards worked out in 2013, the NRA is examining the threat posed by eruptions and the effectiveness of measures to deal with them. To tell the truth, it is the first time that Japan has seriously evaluated the safety of nuclear power plants from the standpoint of the danger posed by volcanoes. 昨年できた新規制基準に基づき、原子力規制委員会が噴火の影響や対策の有効性を検討している。原発の安全性を火山との関係で本格的にチェックするのは、実はこれが初めてだ。
In the March 2011 accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, people in charge had to reflect on the insufficient measures to deal with tsunami. However, disasters at nuclear power plants could be caused not only by tsunami but also by volcanic eruptions and even terrorists. Given the seriousness of disasters caused by these factors, it is a matter of course to think seriously about the risks posed by them, which have been made light of so far. 福島第一原発の事故で、津波対策の遅れが大きな反省材料になった。津波に限ったことではない。事故の深刻さを踏まえれば、噴火やテロなど従来軽視されてきたリスクも真剣に考えるのは当然である。
The new safety standards require electric power companies to consider possible influences from volcanoes located within a radius of 160 kilometers from nuclear power plants. Therefore, Kyushu Electric examined the effects of eruptions from 39 volcanoes. As a result, it concluded that it is sufficient to take measures based on the assumption that ash from Sakurajima volcano in Kagoshima Prefecture would accumulate in the compound of the Sendai nuclear power plant to a height of up to 15 centimeters. 新基準は１６０キロ以内の火山の検討を求めており、九電は３９の火山の影響を評価した。その結果、桜島の火山灰が敷地に最大１５センチ積もる想定で対策をとれば十分とした。
As one of the measures, the utility will stockpile fuel for emergency generators in preparation for a situation in which power transmission lines were severed due to the weight of volcanic ash. Another measure is that it will clean filters for air ventilation equipment or emergency generators or replace the filters with new ones if they become clogged. 火山灰の重みで送電線が切れた時に備えて非常用発電機の燃料を備蓄したり、換気設備や非常用発電機のフィルターの目詰まりに掃除や交換で対処したりするという。
However, will those measures really work given the possibility that accumulation of volcanic ash to a height of only several millimeters will seriously impede workers and vehicles? If the intake of water to cool nuclear reactors is also impeded, the reactors will be immediately plunged into dangerous situations. しかし、数ミリの降灰で人や物の移動が難しくなる恐れが指摘される。対策は実際に機能するだろうか。原子炉を冷やす水の取り込みに支障が出れば、たちまち原発は危険な状態に陥る。
The influences from these mid-scale eruptions must be fully examined as realistic threats. こうした中規模の噴火の影響は、現実的な脅威として十分に検討されなければならない。
It is more difficult to assess risks from catastrophic eruptions whose frequency of occurrence is low. 頻度が低い破局的噴火のリスクは、判断がさらに難しい。
In those eruptions, the pyroclastic flow, which consists of hot gas and rock, travels more than 100 kilometers, causing devastating damage in surrounding areas. In the areas around the Sendai nuclear power plant, there are several calderas, or bowl-shaped depressions, that were formed by the collapse of land caused by catastrophic eruptions. 高温の火山噴出物が火山ガスと一体となって広がる火砕流が半径１００キロ以上も流れ、破滅的な被害を出す。川内原発の周辺には破局的噴火で山が陥没したカルデラ地形が複数ある。
Kyushu Electric assessed that, given those calderas, catastrophic eruptions have occurred at an interval of about 60,000 to 90,000 years. Based on the assessment, it says, “Not much time has passed since the latest catastrophic eruption occurred. Therefore, the possibility is extremely low that the next catastrophic eruption will take place within the coming several decades when the nuclear power plant is operating. There will be no problems if we continuously monitor the signs of eruptions.” 九電は、カルデラをまとめて破局的噴火が約６万～９万年間隔で起こっていると評価。「最新の破局的噴火からあまり時間がたっていないので、原発が運用される数十年のうちに次の破局的噴火に見舞われる可能性は十分低い。予兆を継続的に監視すれば大丈夫」と主張する。
However, some experts offer contrasting views, saying that forecasts of the intervals of eruptions are not reliable and that it is uncertain whether the signs of an eruption can really be foretold. これに対し火山学者らは「こうした噴火間隔の推測には疑問がある」「予兆が観測できるか分からない」と反論する。
Nuclear power plants are not the only facilities that would suffer devastating damage from catastrophic eruptions. If those nuclear plants are destroyed, however, radioactive materials will continue to be scattered throughout the world. It is a challenge not only for the Sendai nuclear power plant but also for many other nuclear power plants in Japan. 破局的噴火で壊滅的打撃を受けるのは原発だけではない。だが、原発が破壊されれば放射性物質は世界にまき散らされ続ける。川内に限らず、日本の多くの原発に共通する難題だ。
Methods to assess the possible impact of eruptions have yet to be established in the world. The NRA bears responsibility for conveying the potential consequences, including the limits of human knowledge as to forecasting eruptions, to the public in an easy-to-understand manner. 噴火の影響評価手法は世界的にも確立していない。規制委には火山噴火をめぐる人知の限界も含めて、国民にわかりやすく説明する責任がある。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 8:55 pm, May 09, 2014 Ouster of Yingluck does nothing to open path out of Thailand’s chaos タイ首相失職 混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断
Thailand’s prime minister has been driven from her post. And no hint of a path out of the chaos of Thailand’s drawn-out political turmoil has yet emerged. タイの首相が失職に追い込まれた。長引く政治の混迷を脱する道筋は全く見えない。
The Southeast Asian country’s Constitutional Court handed down a verdict Wednesday finding that Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra had intervened illegally in personnel affairs involving the head of the secretariat of the National Security Council in 2011, in order to promote a relative to the position of chief of the Royal Thai Police, and that her behavior was unconstitutional. タイの憲法裁判所は７日、インラック首相が、親族を国家警察長官に登用するために、国家安全保障会議事務局長の人事に不当に介入したことが、憲法違反にあたるとする判決を言い渡した。
Because of the highest court’s ruling, Yingluck has been stripped of her office. Nine members of her Cabinet who were in office at the time of the personnel affairs issue were ordered by the court to step down. Deputy Prime Minister Niwatthamrong Boonsongpaisan, one of the remaining 24 ministers, has been appointed acting prime minister. これによって、インラック氏は失職した。人事の閣議決定に加わった閣僚９人も失職し、残った２４閣僚のうち、ニワットタムロン副首相が首相代行に決まった。
The House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the Thai National Assembly, has remained dissolved after the results of a February general election were pronounced null and void by the Constitutional Court. In the absence of both a prime minister and a functioning lower house, Thailand as a state is in a critical situation. タイの下院は、２月に行われた総選挙が、憲法裁によって「無効」と判断されたために、解散したままになっている。首相も下院議員も不在という、国家として危機的な状況である。
In Thailand, forces supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s elder brother, have been locked in fierce rivalry with those who oppose him. タイでは、インラック氏の兄であるタクシン元首相を支持する勢力と、それに反対する勢力が激しく対立している。
The pro-Thaksin camp, which draws its support mainly from the poor and from farmers in populous rural areas, has won every general election in recent years. The anti-Thaksin bloc has a larger share of bureaucrats and other empowered elites, as well as support from the urban middle class. タクシン派は、人口の多い貧困層や農民を基盤とし、近年の総選挙では連勝中だ。反タクシン派には、官僚など実権を握るエリート層や都市中間層が多い。
Groups opposing Thaksin have staged repeated and vehement anti-government demonstrations since last year, with the aim of toppling the Yingluck administration. 反タクシン派は昨年来、インラック政権打倒を目指し、激しいデモを繰り返してきた。
Economy badly damaged
This most recent case was brought before the Constitutional Court by a group including members of the upper house of the Thai parliament, where the anti-Thaksin bloc holds great sway. There can be no doubt that the anti-Thaksin forces, facing no chance of winning an electoral victory, have resorted to judicial tactics to force the prime minister from office. 今回の裁判は、反タクシン派の影響が強い上院の議員らが訴えたものだ。選挙では勝ち目がないとみて、法的な手段によって、首相を辞職に追い込むための戦術だったのは明らかだ。
The Constitutional Court has issued harsh decisions against successive pro-Thaksin administrations. And this latest ruling is clearly in line with the will of anti-Thaksin groups, but it can also be said that this outcome has served only to plunge Thailand deeper into political chaos. 憲法裁は、これまで、歴代のタクシン派政権に厳しい判決を出してきた。今回の判決も、反タクシン派の求めに沿ったもので、結果的に混迷を深めたと言えよう。
The crux of the problem is that nothing has appeared that might help lead the country toward a resolution of its ongoing imbroglios and impasses. 問題なのは、事態の打開策が全く見えないことである。
Under the leadership of the acting prime minister, the Cabinet is set to hold a fresh general election, currently scheduled for July 20. 首相代行の率いる内閣は、７月２０日のやり直し総選挙を予定通り実施する方針だ。
Anti-Thaksin forces are demanding that an interim government be established without an election, and stand poised to continue with anti-government demonstrations, indicating as well that they are likely to repeat in July their boycott of the previous election. There also are fears of violent clashes with the pro-Thaksin forces. Each camp is strongly urged to restrain itself and to avoid becoming mired in violence. だが、選挙を経ない暫定政権樹立を訴える反タクシン派は、デモを続ける構えで、再び選挙妨害を行うことも示唆している。タクシン派との衝突も誘発しかねない。各派には自制が求められる。
The prolonged political turmoil has exerted further strain on the Thai economy. The country’s tourism industry is suffering an ongoing slump, and a chill hangs over domestic consumption. One estimate warns that the Thai economy for this year may see negative growth for the first time since 2009. Japanese capital investment, which has helped boost Thailand’s economy, is also under threat. 混乱の長期化は、経済に一層の悪影響を与えている。観光業は不振で、消費も冷え込み、今年は２００９年以来のマイナス成長になるとの予測もある。成長を支えてきた日系企業の投資の減少につながる可能性も否定できない。
Under the circumstances, the political heft of Thailand, a nation that has played a leading role in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is bound to shrink further. It is imperative for Thailand to escape this crisis in its political system and return to normality as soon as possible. これまで主導的役割を演じてきた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）内部での政治的発言力も、低下する一方だろう。一刻も早い政治の正常化が必要だ。
May 08, 2014 EDITORIAL: Momii’s behavior undermining NHK’s credibility ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか
As a public and nonprofit entity, Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) should operate solely for the well-being of the public and outside the realm of government control. That is why NHK’s operations are financed by viewing fees paid by the public. 営利を目的とせず、国家の統制から自立して、公共の福祉のために放送事業を行う。だから視聴者が、受信料を払って支える。公共放送のＮＨＫとは、そんな存在である。
The job of the president is to supervise and manage its operations. But the current president, Katsuto Momii, has been behaving in a way that raises serious questions about NHK’s credibility. その業務を統括して管理するのが会長である。なのに、会長自身が、公共放送の信頼に関わる言動を続けている。
Momii triggered renewed controversy April 30 during a meeting of the NHK Executive Board, which he used to criticize a news program on the concerns of elderly citizens over the April 1 rise in the consumption tax rate. “It is not news if you only say that a tax hike caused anxiety,” he said, arguing that the program should also refer to discussions among policymakers on measures to ease the added financial burden on low-income earners. ４月３０日の理事会でのこと。籾井勝人会長が、消費増税に不安を抱える人を取材したニュース番組について、「困ったというだけではニュースにならない」といった趣旨の発言をし、同じ番組の中で、低所得者への負担軽減策の議論も取り上げるべきだと主張した。
Efforts by the media to present different views about issues in their reports should be welcomed. The Broadcast Law stipulates that programs aired by NHK or any other broadcasters should be “politically fair.” The law also says that when dealing with contentious issues, broadcasters should try to “clarify disputed points from as many different angles as possible.” 報道の際、異なる見方を紹介するのは歓迎すべきことだ。放送法も、ＮＨＫに限らず放送番組は「政治的に公平であること」「意見が対立している問題については、できるだけ多くの角度から論点を明らかにすること」と定めている。
But the widely accepted legal interpretation of these provisions is that whether news coverage of contentious issues is balanced should be judged on the basis of all related programs aired by a broadcaster, not on each single program. だが、異論とのバランスは、放送される番組全体で判断するという法解釈が一般的だ。個々の番組だけで考えねばならないということではない。
Even though the board members stressed they are trying hard to report different viewpoints through various programs, Momii would not be convinced. 理事たちが「いろいろな観点を、様々な機会をとらえて報道している」と説明しても会長は納得しなかったという。
As the person responsible for NHK’s programs, its president may sometimes find it necessary to get involved in debate over the content of specific programs. 責任者として、番組の内容に関する議論に会長が加わることもあるだろう。
In his inaugural news conference in January, however, Momii made remarks that indicated his support of the government’s policies. だが籾井氏は１月の就任会見で、政府に寄り添うような発言をした。
He later retracted the comments, saying he had expressed his “personal views” in public. He also tried to reassure viewers by promising that NHK’s programs would not be based on his opinions. But he has yet to admit that his ideas are inappropriate, given his position as the top official of a public broadcaster. 「公式の場で個人的な見解を述べた」と撤回し、「私の見解を放送に反映することはない」としたが、公共放送に携わる者として考え違いだったとは認めていない。
Imagine what would happen if such a person started meddling in news programs on the government’s policies. This prospect raises concerns that NHK may not be able to properly perform its journalistic role of monitoring and checking government behavior. This would give rise to suspicions that NHK finds it difficult to broadcast programs that are critical of the government because of concerns about ruffling Momii’s feathers. その籾井氏が政策に関わるニュースに注文をつければ、どうなるか。権力を監視するジャーナリズムの役割が十分に果たせるのかといった疑問も浮かぶ。会長の意向を忖度（そんたく）し、政府に批判的な報道がしにくくなるのではないかとの不信感も出てくるだろう。
Momii has also resorted to strong-arm tactics in personnel affairs. 会長は人事でも、強引な手法を重ねている。
Soon after he took the top job at NHK, he forced all members of the Executive Board to submit undated letters of resignation. 就任早々、日付のない辞表を理事に提出させた。
In the personnel reshuffle of executive board members in late April, Momii urged two general managing directors, who had just been reappointed in February, to resign for no specific reasons. ４月下旬の理事人事では、２月に再任したばかりの専務理事２人に特段の理由なく辞任を迫った。
When seeking consent for personnel changes from the Board of Governors, the upper-ranked decision-making body, Momii also refrained from disclosing his plan until the last moment on grounds the information could be leaked. 人事案は「情報が漏れる恐れがある」と、意思決定権を持つ経営委員会に直前まで示さず、同意を求めた。
When a governor asked the president to explain his decision for changing the responsibilities of some managing directors, Momii just simply said these were matters that are the “sole prerogative of the president.” 理事の担当替えなどで説明を求めた経営委員には、「会長の専権だ」と応じた。
We cannot help wondering how much consideration he gives to the feelings of people who pay viewing fees to NHK in the belief that a public broadcaster is necessary for the good of society. 公共放送は必要と期待しながら受信料を払う人たちの思いを、どれほど、くみとっているのだろうか。
May 07, 2014 EDITORIAL: Maglev Shinkansen project not something to be rushed （社説）リニア新幹線 早めにブレーキを
Central Japan Railway Co. (JR Tokai) on April 23 submitted its final assessment report to the government on the environmental impact of the new maglev bullet train service, scheduled to start in 2027 between Tokyo's Shinagawa and Nagoya. 品川―名古屋間で２０２７年の開業を目指すリニア中央新幹線の環境影響評価（アセスメント）について、ＪＲ東海が最終段階の評価書を国に提出した。
The report was compiled with unprecedented speed. It was drawn up less than a month after the governors of seven prefectures along the new Chuo Shinkansen Line gave their feedback on JR Tokai's draft report issued last September. 前段階の準備書に対し、沿線７都県知事の意見を受けてからわずか１カ月足らずという、異例の早さである。
Why the great haste? なぜこんなに急ぐのか。
"We did not act in haste," insisted JR Tokai President Koei Tsuge. Be that as it may, the final report leaves too many questions unanswered. 柘植康英（つげこうえい）社長は「拙速とは考えていない」と語るが、率直に言って評価書は疑問だらけだ。
For instance, it gives effectively no consideration to the huge volume of displaced dirt that will result from the civil engineering work, other than to perfunctorily note that JR Tokai will "repurpose part of the dirt." 土木工事で出る膨大な残土の処理法については、「自社で再利用」としたぐらいで、ほとんどゼロ回答だった。
And with regard to concerns voiced by the Shizuoka prefectural government about a possible landslide at the proposed dirt dumping ground, the report dismisses the threat and refuses to accommodate the latter's request for changes in the plan. 「置き場が崩落する恐れ」を懸念した静岡県からの変更要請も、「安全性は十分」と一蹴した。
The report also rejects the Nagano prefectural government's request that the tracks through Oshika village be laid through a tunnel rather than on a bridge for safety reasons. JR Tokai's reason for rejecting the change was that it would "delay the project's completion and also produce more displaced dirt." 長野県は安全上の懸念から、大鹿村の橋梁（きょうりょう）部をトンネルに変えるよう求めたが、「工期が延び、残土も増える」と拒んだ。
The report does, however, show some improvement over last year's draft report. For instance, JR Tokai promises further studies on the impact on local wildlife. Also, for the first time, it came up with estimates of greenhouse gas emission increases at the time the service starts. This should have been discussed in the draft report. Anyway, better late than never. 一部の野生動物への影響を追加調査するとしたり、名古屋までの開業時点での温室効果ガス排出増加の見通しを初めて出したりと、前進した点もある。だが全体として、準備書で出しておくべき情報が今になって出てきただけ、との感は否めない。
Under Japan's environmental assessment system, local governments are no longer in a position now to formally voice their opinions to JR Tokai. This makes the responsibility that much greater for the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism and the Ministry of Environment, both of which will examine the report. We expect meticulous work from them. 環境アセスの制度上、自治体が正式に意見を出す機会はもうない。今後、評価書を審査する国土交通省と環境省の責任は重い。厳しい点検を求めたい。
Tsuge said he wants construction to begin as early as this autumn to ensure that operations start on schedule in 2027. Expectation has been voiced that an early start of this service will stimulate the nation's economy. And since JR Tokai is footing the entire bill, which is in excess of 9 trillion yen ($88.6 billion), the company obviously wants to avoid any added expenditures or delays. 柘植社長は、２７年開業に向け、今年秋にも着工したいとの考えを示した。日本経済の起爆剤として、リニアの早期開業への期待もある。９兆円超の事業費を全額負担する以上、開業が延び、経費が膨らむのを避けたいのもＪＲ側の本音であろう。
But unlike the Tokaido Shinkansen project that needed to be completed in time for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, there is no social justification for setting 2027 as the target year for the completion of the new maglev Shinkansen project. Moreover, winning the understanding of residents along the service route, who will be affected in varying degrees, is indispensable to the project's success. JR Tokai must not be stingy with the time this will require. ただ、東京五輪に間に合わせる必要があった東海道新幹線と違い、２７年という目標に、社会的合理性があるわけではない。他方、建設で大小の影響を被る沿線住民の理解は不可欠である。このためにかける時間を惜しんではならない。
The project will involve digging really deep under central Tokyo and building unprecedentedly long tunnels through the high-altitude Akaishi mountain range, known as the Southern Alps. There may well be unforeseen developments requiring JR Tokai to rework its plans. リニア計画は都心部の大深度地下や、隆起が続く南アルプスで、過去に例のない長大トンネル建設に挑む。予想外の事態で計画の練り直しを迫られる展開もありえよう。
We recommend that the company not be obsessed with the target year and be always aware of the importance of applying the brakes early, so to speak, and re-examining the project plan. 時期にこだわらず、早めにブレーキをかけて、計画を再点検することの大切さを忘れないでもらいたい。
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which has been strongly in favor of extending the service route beyond Nagoya to Osaka right from the start, has come up with a proposal to fast-track the project by getting the government to extend an interest-free loan of 3.6 trillion yen to help JR Tokai cover the construction costs for the extended section. But considering the time needed just for the assessment of environmental impacts of the Nagoya-Osaka stretch, we doubt that fast-tracking will be technically feasible. 「大阪までの一括開業を」と主張する自民党は、国に３兆６千億円の建設費を無利子融資させ、工事を急がせる案をまとめた。しかし、名古屋―大阪間の環境アセスにかかる時間だけ考えても、技術的に無理だろう。
The bigger the project, the more thorough the planning must be. Getting JR Tokai to understand this is the responsibility of politicians. 大事業であればこそ、慎重な計画づくりを促す。それが政治の果たすべき役割である。
May 06, 2014 EDITORIAL: Hakamada case reinforces arguments against death penalty 袴田事件が問うもの―死刑のない社会を考える
The Japanese government can legally end a person’s life as punishment for a crime. 人の命を、刑罰として国家が奪う。
The Shizuoka District Court’s recent decision to order a retrial for a long-time death-row inmate reminded us afresh of the grave problems inherent in this capital punishment system. それがいかに重いことか、世に問いかけたのが、死刑囚袴田巌さんに対する静岡地裁の再審開始決定だ。
Iwao Hakamada was sentenced to death over a 1966 quadruple murder. If his sentence had been carried out, the state would have committed a dreadful and irreparable mistake. もし刑が執行されていたら、取り返しがつかなかった。
When he was released in late March after spending 48 years behind bars, Hakamada showed signs of mental illness. His condition highlighted the cruelties of living under the constant fear of being executed. ４８年ぶりに拘束をとかれた袴田さんは、精神を病んでいた。いつとも知れぬ執行と日々向き合う過酷さも垣間見えた。
INEVITABLE HUMAN ERRORS ■誤判は避けられない
Five years have passed since the “saibanin” lay judge system was introduced in Japan. Under the system, randomly selected ordinary citizens are tasked to decide whether the accused should be given a death sentence. 裁判員制度の導入で、死刑にすべきかどうかの判断を市民が担って５年になる。
More than 80 percent of citizens support the death penalty, according to a government survey. 政府の世論調査では、死刑の存続を８割以上が支持する。
But it can hardly be said that sufficient national debate has been held on the various issues concerning capital punishment. しかし、この究極の刑のあり方について、国民的な議論を十分重ねてきたとは言い難い。
Tough penalties should certainly be meted out for the unpardonable crime of murder. But is the death penalty the only possible option for such cases? 人の命を奪う許しがたい犯罪には厳正な刑罰で臨まねばならない。だが、その選択肢はいまの死刑しかないのだろうか。
This is a question that all people living in a society that has adopted capital punishment should ask themselves. 死刑がある社会を生きる一人ひとりが問い直すべき問題であろう。
Hakamada is certainly not the only victim of false accusations. 振りかえれば、袴田さんだけの問題ではなかった。
During the 1980s, four death-row inmates, including Sakae Menda, were acquitted in retrials. Since 2010, four prisoners serving life sentences have been acquitted in retrials, including Toshikazu Sugaya, who was wrongfully convicted of murdering a 4-year-old girl in Ashikaga, Tochigi Prefecture, in 1990. ８０年代、免田栄さんら４人の死刑囚が再審で無罪を言い渡された。無期刑でも２０１０年以降だけで足利事件などの４人が再審無罪となっている。
These cases cannot be simply regarded as the regrettable results of sloppy criminal investigations in the old days. Just two years ago, four people were wrongfully arrested over online threats posted through their computers, which had been remotely manipulated. The four were later found innocent, but two of them had “confessed” to the crime. 昔の捜査はいい加減だった、と片づけられることでもない。つい２年前のパソコン遠隔操作事件では、のちに無実だと分かった４人のうち２人が「自白」していた。
Some people may think that innocent people would never confess to a crime. But those suspects were held for days after their arrest. They eventually succumbed to pressure from investigators who used leading questions and coercive tactics in the interrogations. やってもいない罪を認めるなんてありえない、と思う人もいるだろう。だが逮捕され、連日取り調べられるなか、取調官の誘導や強要に屈して虚偽の自白をすることが現実に起きた。
Humans prosecute and judge others under the criminal justice system, so it must be assumed that false accusations and wrongful convictions can occur. 人間が犯した罪を、訴追し、裁くのもまた人間だ。誤判はありうるという前提に立って、考えざるをえない。
BEYOND EYE-FOR-EYE JUSTICE ■「報い」を超えて
Since the second half of the 20th century, many nations, mainly in Europe, have abolished capital punishment. ２０世紀後半以降、先進国では欧州を中心に死刑の廃絶が進んだ。
Among industrialized nations today, only Japan and some U.S. states still execute criminals. South Korea and Russia stopped conducting executions in the 1990s, effectively abolishing the death penalty. 執行を続けるのは、米国の一部の州と日本だけだ。韓国、ロシアは９０年代に執行を止め、事実上の廃止国になった。
Punishments against crimes are based on each country’s social culture, and simply following the global trend may not be the best answer. 刑罰はそれぞれの社会文化に根ざしている。世界の潮流に従えばいいというものではない。
Heinous crimes and people demanding severe punishments exist in any country. But many countries have chosen something other than capital punishment as the maximum penalty. Japan would probably be better off learning from their views and opinions. だが、どの国にも憎むべき犯罪があり、厳しい世論がある状況を抱えつつ、死刑ではない最高刑を選んできた。その知見から学ぶことはあるはずだ。
Under another widely adopted approach, executions are suspended temporarily to allow a public consensus to emerge on the issue through in-depth debate. 死刑の執行を一時停止し、議論の深まりを待つ方法も広くとられてきた。
In the Japanese government’s poll on the issue, more than half of the respondents who supported the death penalty cited concerns that abolishing capital punishment would lead to an increase in vicious crimes. But there is no clear proof that the death penalty is an effective deterrent to crime. 政府の世論調査では、死刑存続を支持する人の半数以上が、廃止すると凶悪犯罪が増えることを理由に挙げた。しかし、死刑に特別な抑止力があるかどうかは、立証されていない。
Many respondents also supported the notion that people who have committed heinous crimes should pay with their lives. 凶悪犯罪には命をもって償うべきだという理由を挙げる人も多かった。
Although atrocious crimes spark broad and strong public demands for heavy punishments, death sentences are not handed down in all of these cases. The difficulty in dealing with the issue lies in the fact that a criminal penalty should not be regarded as merely the price for a crime. だが今でも、社会の処罰感情が強い犯罪のすべてに死刑が適用されているわけではない。刑を「報い」としてだけでとらえるべきでない難しさがある。
The suffering is immeasurable among people who have lost family members and loved ones due to criminal activities. Their demands for severe penalties against the culprits are understandable. 犯罪で家族や愛する人を奪われた遺族らの厳罰を求める気持ちは当然のものだ。その痛みは計り知れない。
But some bereaved families want the offenders to live out their lives making amends for the crimes they have committed. 一方で、あえて加害者に生きて償うことを要望する遺族もいる。
It is impossible to punish criminals in a way that can satisfy all the diverse feelings of the victims and their families. What is important is to ensure that society provides support for crime victims and bereaved families. 被害者のさまざまな思いを加害者の刑に反映させるには、限界がある。必要なのは、被害者と遺族を社会がいかに手厚く支えていくかではないか。
In some abhorrent cases, families can no longer live in their homes where crimes have taken the lives of family members, and the perpetrators refuse to offer apologies let alone compensation for the suffering they caused. 突然、犯罪で家族を失い、現場になった自宅にも住めない。加害者からは被害弁済どころか反省の言葉さえない。そんな不条理なことが現にある。
Systems have been established in recent years to allow crime victims to take part in the trials of the suspects and to receive information on how the sentences have been carried out. 近年になって被害者が裁判に参加する制度や、加害者の刑の執行状況を知らせる制度などが整ってはきた。
But much more needs to be done to ensure that crime victims can receive sufficient financial support and psychological care. それでも金銭的な支援、心理的なケアなど取り組むべきことは多い。
The government should consider long-term support to help crime victims deal with various difficulties. 犯罪に起因するさまざまな困難と向き合う、息の長い支援を考えていかねばならない。
LIMITED INFORMATION DISCLOSURE ■限られた情報公開
Japan had 132 inmates on death row at the end of April. ４月末現在、確定死刑囚は１３２人いる。
Until seven years ago, the Justice Ministry didn’t publish the names of executed inmates or the locations where the executions were conducted. The ministry showed execution sites to Diet members and journalists, but such efforts for information disclosure proved temporary. 法務省は７年前まで、死刑執行の対象者の名前や場所などを公にしてこなかった。国会議員や報道機関に刑場を公開したこともあるが、一時的なもので終わった。
The government has been keeping strict control on information concerning executions. Such a show of public authority has serious implications. There is no denying that the government’s reluctance to disclose information about executions has hampered healthy public debate on capital punishment. 死刑執行がきわめて重い公権力の行使でありながら、政府は情報公開を極度に制限してきた。これが死刑をめぐる議論を妨げてきたことは否めない。
Another issue is whether hanging is an appropriate execution method. Nearly six decades have passed since the Supreme Court ruled that death by hanging did not violate the constitutional ban on cruel penalties. Even some experts who support capital punishment are calling for a review of this method. 絞首刑という方法がふさわしいかも論点だろう。残虐な刑罰を禁じる憲法に反しないとする最高裁判決から約６０年がたつ。死刑存続派の識者からも見直しを求める意見が出ている。
A multipartisan group of lawmakers against the death penalty once considered proposing life imprisonment without parole as an alternative to capital punishment. 超党派の国会議員でつくる死刑廃止議連は、仮釈放のない無期刑（重無期刑）の新設を検討していた。
It has long been pointed out that the gap is too large between capital punishment and a life sentence, which is actually an “indefinite” prison term with the possibility of parole that may lead to the offender’s return to society. いずれ社会に戻れるかもしれない無期刑と死刑の落差はかねて指摘されてきた。
The government has been avoiding asking citizens what they think of life imprisonment without parole as an alternative to the death penalty. But this is a question that the government itself should face head-on. 死刑の代替刑として、重無期刑をどのように考えるか。政府は市民に意見を問うことを避けてきたが、正面から向き合うべき問題ではないか。
China has been hit by a string of violent incidents linked to problems concerning ethnic minorities in the country. 中国で少数民族問題を背景とする事件が相次いでいる。
Last week, a bombing incident in Urumqi, the capital of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, caused many casualties. The two suspects, who both died, were reportedly Uighur men. 新疆ウイグル自治区のウルムチで先週、爆破事件があり、多くの死傷者が出た。死亡した２人の容疑者はウイグル族の男性だという。
The attack came at the conclusion of a four-day visit to Xinjiang by President Xi Jinping. During his inspection tour in the region, Xi urged local officials to make every possible effort to ensure public safety. その当日まで、習近平（シーチンピン）国家主席が４日間にわたり新疆各地を視察し、治安対策に万全を期すよう指示した矢先だった。
The timing and location of the attack appear to signal a bold challenge to the Xi administration. 事件の時間と場所の選び方には、習政権に挑みかかるかのような意図すらうかがわれる。
It is infuriating that the attack, carried out in front of a train station, a public place, caused casualties among innocent citizens who happened to be there at the time. Such indiscriminate terrorism, whatever the purpose may be, is absolutely unpardonable. 駅前という公共の場所で罪のない市民を巻き込むことに強い憤りを覚える。こうした無差別テロは決して許されない。
Having said that, we want to pose a question to the Chinese government. Why do incidents of violence related to Uighurs keep occurring so frequently even though successive governments in Beijing have pledged to respect the rights of ethnic minorities as their policy? そのうえで中国政府に問いたい。歴代政権は少数民族の権利を尊重する方針を掲げてきたのに、なぜウイグル族に関係する事件がこうも続発するのか。
In another incident last autumn that is still fresh in our memories, a car with three members of a Uighur family inside plowed into Tiananmen Square in Beijing. 昨秋、北京・天安門にウイグル族の一家３人が自動車ごと突っ込んだ事件は記憶に新しい。
Since then, reported incidents related to Uighurs have taken place at a rate of about one a month. 以後、伝えられるものだけでほぼ１カ月に１度、ウイグル族に絡む事件が起きている。
These gloomy episodes indicate a failure of the policy toward ethnic minorities adopted by the Communist Party administration, which is composed mainly of Han Chinese, who constitute 90 percent of the country’s population. これは、人口の９割を占める漢族主体の共産党政権が、少数民族政策に失敗したことを意味しているのではないか。
Every time such an incident happens, the Chinese government describes the culprits as “violent elements seeking to break up China while acting in concert with an organization based overseas.” 犯行グループは「国外組織と連絡をとりつつ我が国の分裂を図る暴力分子」。中国政府は事件のたびに、そう説明する。
By issuing such statements, Chinese leaders are effectively claiming that the government is making ardent efforts to promote economic development of Xinjiang, and that its policy toward Uighurs is working. Beijing is trying to characterize the perpetrators of these incidents as heretics isolated in society. 中国政府は新疆の経済発展に力を注いでおり、ウイグル族への施策はうまくいっている。事件を起こすのは民意から遊離した連中だ――というわけだ。
Indeed, there has been a movement for political independence among Uighurs. There is also an organization to promote the movement outside China. 確かにウイグル族の間で政治的独立をめざす動きはあった。国外にも組織がある。
But these facts do not necessarily support the argument that all these incidents were politically motivated. しかし、だからといって、これほど相次ぐ事件は政治的動機だけでは説明しきれない。
Many of the reported incidents were apparently triggered by troubles concerning the daily lives of Uighur people. むしろ、日常の中でのトラブルから発展する事件のほうが目につく。
Last summer, for example, a standoff between locals and police turned violent in Hotan, a city in Xinjiang. The Chinese government described that incident as rioting by an armed group. But it was actually a disturbance triggered by the move of local authorities to shut down a mosque used by Uighurs. 例えば昨年夏、同じ新疆の都市ホータンで「武装集団による騒ぎ」とされた事件は、ウイグル族のイスラム教礼拝所が地元当局の圧力で使えなくなったことによる騒動だった。
The family that carried out the Tiananmen Square attack last autumn is said to have repeatedly filed complaints with the local authorities over a certain problem. 昨秋の天安門突入事件を起こした一家は、地元政府に何らかの不満があって陳情を繰り返していたと伝えられる。
It seems there is deep distrust between authorities and Uighurs stemming from administrative problems. 行政の現場で、当局者とウイグル族住民との信頼関係が壊れているのではないか。
The distrust will only grow if, under these circumstances, the Chinese government tramples on the social and religious customs of Uighurs under the pretext of anti-terrorist measures. そのうえさらにテロ対策の名のもとに、生活や信仰上の習慣をふみにじるようなことになれば、不信感の増大を招くだけだ。
The situation cannot improve as long as this cycle of terrorism and suppression continues. テロと弾圧の応酬では事態の打開はありえない。
What China, as a multiracial nation, needs now to ensure social stability is not the use of force but a wise and effective policy to bring about reconciliation. 多民族国家中国の安定にいま必要なのは、力の行使ではなく、融和を導く賢明な政治ではないか。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 4:00 am, May 05, 2014 Japan, European countries should strengthen ties in defense equipment 首相欧州歴訪 防衛装備協力で連携強化せよ
Japan and Europe are partners that give priority to keeping international order and promoting free trade. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to six European countries should give momentum to further solidifying strategic relations with Europe. 日本と欧州は共に国際秩序を重んじ、自由貿易を推進するパートナーである。安倍首相の欧州６か国歴訪を機に戦略的関係を一層強化したい。
During their meeting, Abe and British Prime Minister David Cameron agreed to launch so-called two-plus-two talks between their foreign and defense ministers at an early date and promote joint development of defense equipment and technology. Technology for protective clothing against chemicals was among their immediate joint development projects. 安倍首相は英国のキャメロン首相との会談で、外務・防衛閣僚会合（２プラス２）の早期開催や防衛装備品・技術の共同開発の促進で一致した。当面は化学防護服の技術などが対象となる。
The agreement was made by applying the new “three principles on transferring defense equipment” that the Cabinet approved last month to replace the previous three principles on arms exports. 日本政府は先月、武器輸出３原則に代わる「防衛装備移転３原則」を閣議決定している。その新たな原則を適用するものだ。
Abe is scheduled to hold talks with French President Francois Hollande on Monday, during which they are expected to agree on joint development of such defense equipment as unmanned underwater vehicles. ５日のオランド仏大統領との会談でも、無人潜水機などを念頭に開発協力で合意する見通しだ。
The government has already agreed with Australia to make vessel fluid dynamics a subject for their joint research. 政府は既に、豪州との間でも、船舶の流体力学分野を研究課題とすることで合意している。
Such bilateral cooperation in the field of defense equipment will not only improve defense technology, but also curb development costs. The efforts are likely to embody a “proactive contribution to peace,” a diplomatic policy pursued by the Abe administration. こうした防衛装備面の協力は、防衛技術を向上させるとともに、開発費の抑制にもつながる。安倍政権の掲げる「積極的平和主義」の具体化にもなろう。
The administration should therefore collect intelligence in earnest and carry out the necessary discussions to determine what defense equipment and technology should be developed to maximize the benefits for both parties in an agreement. どんな装備・技術の共同研究・開発を進めれば、双方にとってメリットが大きいか、真剣に情報収集し、議論を重ねるべきだ。
Sending a message to China
In separate meetings, Abe confirmed with Cameron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel the importance of obeying international law in connection with the East Asian situation. Moreover, a joint statement by Abe and Cameron clearly stated that the two nations confirmed their commitment to the freedom of navigation and overflight. キャメロン首相やドイツのメルケル首相との会談では、東アジア情勢に関連し、国際法を順守する重要性を確認した。日英の共同声明には「航行及び上空飛行の自由」を尊重することも明記した。
These actions were all made in light of China’s attempts to change the status quo by force through such actions as establishing an air defense identification zone. Japan should use every opportunity to gain international solidarity in urging China to abide by international rules. 東シナ海での防空識別圏の設定など、力による現状変更を試みる中国を念頭に置いたものだ。中国に国際ルールの順守を求めるには、様々な機会を通じて国際社会の結束を強めることが重要だ。
On another issue, it was significant that Abe concurred with the British and German leaders on the necessity of working toward concluding the thorny talks on an economic partnership agreement between Japan and the European Union next year. 一方、難航する日本と欧州連合（ＥＵ）との経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）交渉について、英独首脳との会談で、来年の妥結を目指すことで一致した意義も大きい。
The EU is somewhat behind in its talks with Japan compared with the talks between Tokyo and Washington, which made significant progress toward sealing a final accord on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade framework. 環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉の最終合意へ日米協議が大きく前進したため、欧州には出遅れ感がうかがえる。
Issues including the EU’s removal of high tariffs on automobiles and TVs are at the center of the Japan-EU negotiations. Taking advantage of the current momentum, both sides should expedite talks to find common ground. ＥＰＡ交渉は、ＥＵが自動車やテレビにかけている高関税の撤廃などが焦点だ。この機運を生かし、互いに妥協点を見いだすよう協議を急ぐ必要がある。
At a lecture in London, Abe urged businesses to invest in Japan. 首相はロンドンでの講演で、対日投資の促進を呼びかけた。
Referring to the nation’s regulatory barriers as solid bedrock, Abe stressed that “the drill bit is spinning at the fastest possible speed” to break through that bedrock. He also indicated his willingness to lower the effective corporate tax, saying, “We’re going to improve our corporate taxation still further.” 障壁になっている岩盤規制を切り崩す「ドリルの刃は最大速度で回転している」と強調した。法人税についても「改革を一層進める」と明言し、実効税率の引き下げに意欲を示した。
That Abe made international pledges carries weight. The prime minister should exercise leadership in realizing regulatory reform as well as fixing corporate taxation. 国際公約した意味は重い。首相は指導力を発揮し、規制緩和や法人税改革を実現すべきだ。
May 03, 2014 EDITORIAL: Abe taking pacifist Constitution away from the people 安倍政権と憲法―平和主義の要を壊すな
Japan’s Constitution cannot be revised with a simple majority vote in the Diet. 国会の多数決だけで、憲法を改めることはできない。
Any constitutional amendment must first be initiated through a vote of two-thirds or more of all members of each house in the Diet and then approved by the public with a majority vote in a special referendum. This procedure is stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. 憲法を改正するには、衆参両院の３分の２以上の賛成で発議し、国民投票で過半数の承認を得なければならない。憲法９６条が定める手続きだ。
Last spring, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe began a political campaign to make it easier to rewrite the Constitution by easing this procedure, but later gave up the idea. 安倍首相は昨春、この手続きを緩めようとして断念した。
Abe’s attempt was foiled by opposition expressed by many Japanese who became aware of its dangerous implications. They realized that if the government is allowed to change the Constitution at will, the all-important principles of constitutionalism, which restrict the power of government, would be violated. 時の政権の意向だけで憲法が変えられては、権力にしばりをかける立憲主義が侵される。こう気づいた多くの国民が、反対の声を上げたからだ。
Abe is now seeking to tamper with the supreme law in a different way. 安倍首相は、今年は違うやり方で、再び憲法に手をつけようとしている。
Instead of pursuing a change in a constitutional provision, the prime minister is working to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense through a Cabinet decision to change the government’s interpretation of the Constitution regarding the issue. The government’s traditional position has been that Japan has the right to collective self-defense, but is banned by the Constitution from exercising that right. 条文はいじらない。かわりに９条の解釈を変更する閣議決定によって、「行使できない」としてきた集団的自衛権を使えるようにするという。
This way, even a Diet vote is not needed to make the policy change, which raises some serious constitutional questions. これだと国会の議決さえ必要ない。
What would be the consequences of that step? The pacifist ideal of the Constitution would lose its spirit even if it remains alive in form. その結果どうなるか。日本国憲法の平和主義は形としては残っても、その魂が奪われることになるのは明らかだ。
COLLECTIVE SELF-DEFENSE MEANS DEFENDING ALLIES ■本質は他国の防衛
Some policymakers within the government have proposed to make it clear that Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense would be limited to the minimum necessary--only in areas surrounding Japan and in situations where it is needed to ensure the nation’s existence. 政権内ではこんな議論がされている。集団的自衛権の行使は日本周辺で「わが国の存立を全うする」ための必要最小限に限る。
They argue that the 1959 Supreme Court ruling over the so-called Sunagawa Incident, which concerned the constitutionality of the presence of U.S. forces in Japan, didn’t ban Japan from using its right to collective self-defense. The ruling actually said, “It is indisputable that, as an act of exercising its proper powers as a nation, Japan is allowed to take self-defense measures that are necessary for maintaining its own peace and security and ensuring its existence.” それは５９年の砂川事件の最高裁判決も認めている――。
These policymakers are making the case for allowing Japan limited use of its right to collective self-defense. いわゆる「限定容認論」だ。
One example often cited in this argument is a situation in which a U.S. warship comes under attack in waters near Japan. Abe and other proponents of the proposal ask whether it is acceptable that the Self-Defense Forces are not allowed to come to rescue when a U.S. naval vessel operating to defend Japan comes under attack. They warn that the SDF’s failure to help a U.S. ship in such a situation would mean an end to Japan’s security alliance with the United States. しばしば例示されるのは、日本近海での米艦防護だ。首相らは日本を守るため警戒中の米艦が襲われた時、自衛隊が救えなくていいのかと問う。それでは日米同盟は終わる、とも。
But many people in and outside the government believe the SDF can respond to such cases as part of Japan’s exercise of its right to individual self-defense or its police authority. しかし、これは日本の個別的自衛権や警察権で対応できるとの見解が政府内外に根強い。
In other words, this problem can be solved without treating it as the constitutional issue of collective self-defense. There is no need to use a distorted interpretation of the Supreme Court ruling over the Sunagawa Incident, which only acknowledged Japan’s right to individual self-defense, as a tool to promote the case for collective self-defense. ことさら集団的自衛権という憲法の問題にしなくても、解決できるということだ。日本の個別的自衛権を認めたに過ぎない砂川判決を、ねじ曲げて援用する必要もない。
A decision to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense, even if the use is limited to the minimum necessary, would amount to a total about-face on the traditional security policy. 仮に集団的自衛権の行使を認めれば、どんなに必要最小限だといっても、これまでの政策から百八十度の転換となる。
Collective self-defense, by nature, involves the defense of other countries. But a small leak can eventually sink a great ship. 集団的自衛権の本質は、他国の防衛という点にある。アリの一穴は必ず広がる。
It is difficult to impose an effective restriction on Japan’s use of its military power that is clearer than the current rule that Japan can only use armed force when it is directly attacked. 「日本が攻撃された時だけ武力を行使する」という以上に明確な歯止めを設けることは困難だ。
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s draft proposal to revise the Constitution calls for making the SDF full-fledged national defense forces that can take part in collective self-defense operations. 自民党の憲法改正草案は、自衛隊を集団的自衛権も行使できる「国防軍」にするという。
What the Abe administration is trying to achieve is realizing this proposal without making an amendment to the Constitution through the established formal procedure. 安倍政権がやろうとしていることは、憲法を変えずにこれを実現しようというに等しい。
The administration is making an outrageous attempt to push through an effective constitutional amendment based on a government proposal merely through discussions within the ruling camp. 政府が方針を決め、与党協議だけで実質的な改憲をしてしまおうという乱暴さ。
Why is the Abe administration getting away with such unacceptable behavior? なぜ、こんなことがまかり通ろうとしているのか。
NO EFFECTIVE CHECKS ON GOVERNMENT BY LEGISLATURE ■行政府への抑止なく
The most obvious factor behind this distressing political landscape is the inability of the Diet to do its job properly. It is failing to perform its role of clarifying important policy issues through discussions in order to provoke meaningful public debate. 真っ先に目につくのは国会の無力だ。論争によって問題点を明らかにし、世論を喚起する。この役割が果たせていない。
Abe has been making little effort to offer serious answers to questions from opposition parties in the Diet, and the wretchedly weakened opposition has been letting him get away with it. 対立する政党の質問にまともに答えようとしない首相。それを許してしまう野党の弱さは、目を覆うばかりだ。
Some LDP lawmakers who initially voiced skepticism about Abe’s initiative have quickly become extremely quiet, apparently after the prime minister started signaling the possibility of a Cabinet and party leadership reshuffle. 自民党内にあった慎重論も、内閣改造や党人事がちらついたのか、またたく間にしぼんだ。
The nation’s legislature is totally impotent to monitor and check the behavior of the administration in any effective way to prevent its dangerous moves. 立法府から行政府への監視や抑止がまるで利かない現状。
What would happen if, to top it all, the constitutional restriction on Japan’s use of its military capabilities is removed? そのうえ、憲法の歯止めがなくなればどうなるか。
Japan has been following U.S. military policy. It doesn’t take a huge leap of faith to foresee the scope of SDF operations expanding beyond the “minimum necessary” under pressure from Washington. 米国の軍事政策に追従し続けてきた日本だ。米国の要請に押され自衛隊の活動が「必要最小限」を超えるのは想像に難くない。
In 2003, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi supported U.S. President George W. Bush’s decision to declare war on Iraq and, in response to a U.S. request, sent SDF troops to the Middle East to support reconstruction efforts. ０３年のイラク戦争で、小泉首相はブッシュ大統領の開戦の決断を支持し、自衛隊を復興支援に派遣した。
Koizumi justified his decisions simply by repeating that supporting the United States was in Japan’s best interest. The Koizumi administration showed no signs of making objective, cool-headed assessments of the situation. 小泉氏の理屈は「米国支持が国益にかなう」の一点張り。情勢を客観的に判断する姿勢は見えなかった。
Abe has established the National Security Council. But the minutes of its meetings have not been published, and the newly enacted state secrets protection law is likely to allow the government to keep the public in the dark about the process of making policy decisions to mobilize the SDF. 安倍首相は国家安全保障会議を発足させた。だが、議事録は公開されず、特定秘密保護法によって自衛隊を動かす政策決定過程は闇に閉ざされそうだ。
Under these circumstances, would the government be able to make the right decision should it be asked to send SDF troops to battlefields of another U.S.-led war? Would the Diet and the public be able to stop such a deployment of the SDF? こんな体制のもと、第二のイラク戦争への参加を求められたら、政府は正しい判断を下せるのか。国会や国民がそれを止めることができるのか。
DON'T TAKE CONSTITUTION FROM THE PEOPLE ■憲法を取り上げるな
Some administration officials are saying the government should try to win the support of as many members of the public as possible for the initiative, which would allow the government to mobilize SDF troops for participation in collective self-defense operations. 「自衛隊員に出動命令を出すからには、一人でも多くの国民の理解を得たい」。政権の中からはこんな声が聞こえる。
If the government insists on making it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense, there is only one path it should take. 集団的自衛権の行使をどうしても認めたいというのならば、とるべき道はひとつしかない。
It should present a draft amendment to the Constitution to take the step and follow the formal procedure--initiating the amendment through a vote of a two-thirds majority in each house of the Diet and then getting it approved by the people with a majority vote at a special referendum. そのための憲法改正案を示し、衆参両院の３分の２の賛成と国民投票での過半数の承認を得ることだ。
To be fair, the security situation in East Asia is certainly becoming dangerous due to North Korea’s development of nuclear arms and China’s aggressive military buildup. We can understand that the government is pursuing this initiative out of a desire to ensure Japan’s security. 北朝鮮の核開発や中国の軍備増強などで、東アジアの安全保障環境は厳しくなっている。いまの議論が、日本の安全を確実にしたいという思いからきていることはわかる。
If so, the government should first start debate on legislative moves needed to deal with specific issues, instead of immediately touching the Constitution. ならば一足飛びに憲法にふれるのでなく、個々の案件に必要な法整備は何かという点から議論を重ねるべきではないか。
Even if the government’s proposal is reasonable from the viewpoints of policy and military needs, that doesn’t justify distorting key constitutional principles through a change in the government’s interpretation of them. 仮に政策的、軍事的合理性があったとしても、解釈変更で憲法をねじ曲げていいという理由にはならない。
The way the Abe administration is pursuing this controversial initiative is totally inconsistent with the prime minister’s pledge to put the Constitution back in the hands of the people. Instead, it is tantamount to taking the Constitution away from the public. いまの政権のやり方は、首相が唱える「憲法を国民の手に取り戻す」どころか、「憲法を国民から取り上げる」ことにほかならない。
May 02, 2014 EDITORIAL: On a mission to stop growing trend toward intolerance 朝日支局襲撃―「排他」に立ち向かう
May 3, Constitution Day, is a date that is etched into our memory. On this day 27 years ago, a man wielding a shotgun stormed The Asahi Shimbun’s Hanshin Bureau in Nishinomiya, Hyogo Prefecture, and opened fire, killing 29-year-old reporter Tomohiro Kojiri and seriously injuring another reporter. あす憲法記念日は、私たちにとって忘れがたい日である。２７年前、兵庫県西宮市の朝日新聞阪神支局が散弾銃を持った男に襲撃され、小尻知博（こじりともひろ）記者（当時２９）が殺された。
In a statement claiming responsibility for the attack, the assailant, who called himself a member of “Sekihotai,” said the “anti-Japanese Asahi must return to its former self 50 years ago.” 「赤報隊」を名乗る犯人は犯行声明で「反日朝日は５０年前にかえれ」と主張した。
In an editorial published immediately after the attack, we pledged to “defend a democratic society where diverse values of members are respected and remain committed to freedom of speech.” 事件直後、社説は「多様な価値を認め合う民主主義社会を守り、言論の自由を貫く」と誓った。
To our deep regret, the 15-year statute of limitations on the case expired in 2002 with no culprit apprehended. Still, our determination has remained unshakable. 残念ながら、事件は未解決のまま時効を迎えてしまったが、その決意にいささかも揺るぎはない。
With that said, our democratic society, where people should respect the values of others, even when they differ, appears to be under threat. The disturbing fact is that there is a growing trend toward refusing to accept people with different ideas and attacking them. その「多様な価値を認め合う民主主義社会」がいま、揺らいでいる。深刻なのは、自分たちと違う価値観の人々の存在そのものを否定し、攻撃する動きが勢いを増していることだ。
People who are intolerant toward others with differing views often like to use the phrase “anti-Japanese” when launching verbal attacks. The term, which was often used by those individuals attempting to demonize The Asahi Shimbun, is now part of the wider narrative. こうした言説の中で、かつて朝日新聞を攻撃するキーワードだった「反日」のレッテルはすっかり一般化してしまった。
Claiming Korean residents in Japan enjoy unfair “privileges,” some people repeatedly take to the streets to stage what can only be described as hate-speech protests. In Shikoku, known for its popular Buddhist pilgrimage route that covers 88 temples, signs saying, “Let’s protect our pilgrimage course from the hands of Koreans,” were discovered. 在日コリアンに「特権」があるとして、街頭で激しいヘイトスピーチ（憎悪表現）を繰り返す人たち。四国では「遍路道を朝鮮人の手から守りましょう」との張り紙が見つかった。
Books intended to incite hatred against South Korea and China are gaining popularity, and headlines seemingly designed to promote racial discord appear in certain media almost daily. 韓国や中国への嫌悪感をあらわにした本が人気を集め、一部メディアにも連日、それをあおるかのような見出しが躍る。
In a lawsuit filed in Kyoto against an anti-Korean organization that held hate-speech protests, the group has tried to defend its actions and the language it used claiming a constitutional right to freedom of expression. But, should speech designed to ostracize and hurt other members of society be respected? For all the arguments and efforts we have made championing free speech and expression, we cannot help but feel compelled to say no to that question. ヘイトスピーチをめぐる京都での訴訟で、訴えられた市民団体側は「表現の自由の範囲内だ」と正当性を主張した。だが、他人を排除し、傷つける言葉は許されるのか。表現・言論の自由の大切さを説き続けた私たちとしても、「それは違う」と言わずにはいられない。
Since the 1987 murder of our colleague, we have received strong support and encouragement from many of our readers. And with the support of those voices, we are always striving to protect freedom of the press. 事件以来、多くの読者から叱咤（しった）激励をいただいた。その声にも支えられ、私たちは自由な言論を守ろうと努力してきた。
In particular, we believe we have made every effort to fight against any attempt by the powers that be to restrict people’s freedom. We did just that, for instance, during Diet deliberations on the state secrets protection bill. These efforts have been based in part on a lot of painful soul-searching that has taken place as a result of our news organization’s regrettable cooperation with the government before and during World War II. 特に、戦争に協力した戦前への痛切な反省から、権力が自由を制約する動きには、全力で立ち向かってきたつもりである。特定秘密保護法案の審議のときもそうだった。
We cannot help but wonder if we could have done more to prevent this proliferation of hateful language plaguing our society today. ただ、これだけ排他的な言葉が世にあふれる前に、できることはなかったか。
Needless to say, we are committed to stand up for the victims of unwarranted attacks. We are also determined to pay close and serious attention to the backgrounds of those hatemongers who use and promote abusive language and those who support them so that we can help heal the widening rift in our society. 理不尽に攻撃される人たちを守る側に立つことはもちろんである。そのうえで、攻撃的な言葉を繰り出す人、そうした主張に喝采を送る人々の背景にも目を向け、日本社会に広がる溝を埋めていきたい。
We don’t just want to promote the slogan “freedom of expression and speech,” we want to help create a society where everybody can live with dignity and live a life free of anxiety. 求めたいのは、スローガンとしての「表現・言論の自由」ではない。誰もが尊厳を保ち、のびやかに生きられる社会そのものである。
On the anniversary of the day our colleague was slain, we remember afresh our principal mission as a news organization. 同僚の命が絶たれたこの日、その原点を改めて胸に刻みたい。
The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:06 pm, April 30, 2014 Obama’s reinforcement of Asian ties sends strong message to China 米のアジア重視 対中牽制に同盟諸国を生かせ
As U.S. President Barack Obama—known for his “Asia pivot” policy—reconfirms his nation’s unity with its Asian allies, the significance of his moves should not be underestimated. 「アジア重視」政策を掲げるオバマ米大統領が同盟国との結束を確認した意義は大きい。
Obama recently finished his Asian tour, leaving his footprints in Japan, South Korea, Malaysia and the Philippines. オバマ氏が、日本、韓国、マレーシア、フィリピンのアジア４か国への歴訪を終えた。
The U.S. president has made his country’s presence felt in the Asia-Pacific region during the trip, stressing his unyielding stance against China’s expansion into Asia-Pacific waters where Beijing is unilaterally attempting to change the status quo, as well as his stand against North Korea’s nuclear development program. We welcome these moves. 一方的な現状変更を伴う中国の海洋進出や、北朝鮮の核開発に対し、断固たる姿勢を鮮明にして、アジア太平洋における米国の存在感を示したことは評価できる。
One of the highlights of Obama’s Asian trip was the signing of a military pact between the United States and the Philippines, which paves the way for the re-stationing of U.S. troops in the Southeast Asian nation. Manila is currently engaged in territorial disputes with Beijing in the South China Sea. 今回の訪問で注目されるのは、南シナ海での領有権を巡り中国と対立するフィリピンにおける、米軍再駐留に道を開く軍事協定に、米比両国が調印したことだ。
The Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement will give U.S. forces access to Philippine military bases. The pact will also enable the temporary rotation of U.S. troops through the country, and the deployment of fighter jets and warships. 協定で、米軍はフィリピン軍基地の使用を認められる。常駐ではないが、部隊の巡回派遣や戦闘機、艦船の配備も可能となる。
The Philippines was once a strategic foothold of the United States. However, the island country refused to extend the stationing of the U.S. forces after the end of the Cold War, and U.S. troops withdrew from the country by the end of 1992. 米軍はかつてフィリピンを戦略拠点としていたが、冷戦終結後、フィリピンに駐留延長を拒まれ、１９９２年までに撤収した。
After the U.S. withdrawal, China began reinforcing its influence in the South China Sea as if the country were aiming to fill the power vacuum. For example, Beijing has extended its control of a shoal over which the Philippines claims sovereignty. More recently, China has obliged fishing boats operating in the South China sea to obtain a license from the Chinese government, further raising tensions in the area. その後、フィリピンが領有権を主張する環礁に支配を拡大するなど、力の空白を埋めるように、南シナ海での勢力増強に乗り出してきたのが、中国だ。最近も、外国漁船に操業の許可申請を義務付けて、一段と緊張を高めている。
U.S. as stabilizer
The U.S.-Philippine pact will serve as a great opportunity to restore the influence of U.S. forces in the South China Sea. If U.S. forces enhance their cooperation with the forces of Asian allies, through efforts such as joint military exercises, this can be expected to work as a deterrent to China’s activities in the area. It is understandable that Obama said the purpose of the pact is “to promote regional stability such as in the South China Sea.” 協定は、南シナ海での米軍のプレゼンスを回復する契機となる。共同演習などで、米軍が各国軍と協調を強めれば、中国の活動を牽制けんせいする効果を持とう。オバマ氏が、協定で「地域の安定を促進する」と述べたのは、うなずける。
In the Japan-U.S. joint statement issued during Obama’s trip to Japan, Obama reaffirmed that the Senkaku Islands, which are located in the East China Sea, are within the scope of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. It is very meaningful that Obama expressed his intention not to condone China’s moves to seek hegemony also in the South China Sea through the U.S.-Philippines pact. オバマ氏は日米共同声明で、東シナ海の尖閣諸島が日米安保条約の適用対象だと確認した。米比協定によって、南シナ海でも中国の覇権主義的な行動は許さないとの意思を表明したことは重要だ。
Meanwhile, in South Korea, Obama agreed with South Korean President Park Geun-hye to reinforce the two countries’ cooperation to prevent further provocations by North Korea, which continues its nuclear development activities. “We will not hesitate to use our military might to defend our allies and our way of life,” Obama said during a speech at a U.S. military base in the nation. 一方、オバマ氏は、韓国の朴槿恵大統領と、核開発を進める北朝鮮による「挑発を阻止する」ための協力強化で合意した。さらに、在韓米軍基地での演説では、「同盟国を守るためなら軍事力行使もためらわない」と断言した。
Specifically, Obama has stated that the United States will continue to have the right of command over U.S.-South Korea coalition troops during contingencies for the time being. We believe it was appropriate for the United States to show that it will maintain responsibility in deterring North Korea’s movements. 具体的措置として、有事における米韓連合軍の指揮権限を米軍が当面維持することも認めた。北朝鮮抑止に、米国が今後も責任を持つ姿勢を示したのは、適切だ。
Park has recently been increasing her inclination toward China. However, in a written reply to questions from a South Korean newspaper, Obama said that Seoul’s alliance with the United States serves as the foundation of South Korea’s security and prosperity, an apparent message urging to the nation to shift its focus onto cooperation with the United States and Japan. 朴大統領は中国への傾斜を強めているが、オバマ氏は韓国紙への書面回答で、「米国との同盟が韓国の安全と繁栄の基盤だ」と述べた。日米韓の連携を重視するよう韓国にくぎを刺したと言える。
It is unlikely that the tensions in the Asia-Pacific region will end anytime soon. It will be essential for the United States and its allies to join hands and accumulate specific actions one by one. アジア太平洋の緊張は今後も継続するだろう。米国と同盟国が協力して、具体的な行動を積み重ねていくことが求められる。
April 29, 2014 EDITORIAL: Utilities should start plotting nuclear-free future for themselves （社説）原発ゼロの夏 内向きの経営脱する時
Electric utilities are still warning that a lack of nuclear power generation will cause power shortages and rises in electricity bills. It’s time for them to stop emphasizing such concerns in their attempts to win public support for restarting idled nuclear reactors. 原発なしでは電気が足りず、電気代も上がる――電力会社はもう、そんな不安を前面に出す姿勢を改めるべきではないか。
Prospects are bleak for bringing reactors back online by summer, so the utilities have worked out plans to avoid a summer power crunch without using nuclear energy. If these plans are carried out, this summer will be the first without nuclear power generation since the Fukushima nuclear disaster unfolded in March 2011. この夏の原発再稼働が見通せぬ中、電力各社は「原発ゼロの夏」を乗り切る計画を示した。実現すれば、震災後初のこととなる。
Some utilities, however, will have to walk a tightrope. Kansai Electric Power Co., which was excessively dependent on nuclear power generation, will have only a 3-percent reserve capacity during the summer peak-demand period. That means efforts to reduce power consumption should not be relaxed. とはいえ、もともと原発に過大な依存をしていた関西電力では、真夏のピーク時の余裕は３％しかない。
But the company’s power supply plan for the summer indicates an amazing change in society. It was only two years ago that Kansai Electric Power restarted reactors at its Oi nuclear power plant, claiming that an absence of nuclear power would force it to carry out a rolling blackout, which could seriously affect corporate activities and operations of medical institutions. 節電の手を緩めてはならないが、つい２年前「原発ゼロなら計画停電もある」「企業活動や医療現場に影響が出かねない」と大飯原発を再稼働したときのことを思えば、世の変化に目を見張る思いだ。
The great change has been powered by larger-than-expected cuts in power consumption achieved through efforts by society as a whole. 原動力は、予想を上回る節電の定着である。
In that summer, the power saving in the region served by Kansai Electric, which then relied on the Oi plant, was three times larger than expected. As it turned out, theoretically, there would not have been a power shortage in the region even if all nuclear plants had been offline. あの夏、大飯原発に頼った関電管内では予想の３倍を超える節電を達成。原発ゼロでも乗り切れた計算となった。
The summer last year was among the hottest in history, but there were no signs that power-saving efforts slackened. 昨年は歴史的猛暑だったのに、節電の定着ぶりは変わらなかった。
Based on its experiences during the past two summers, Kansai Electric has estimated that the amount of electricity to be saved this summer will be equivalent to the total power output from two and a half nuclear reactors. Ardent power-saving efforts by consumers made as a serious response to the disastrous nuclear accident have effectively created a huge power surplus. こうした実績から、関電は今夏、原発２・５基分の節電を見込むことができた。原発事故を真摯（しんし）に受け止めたユーザーの努力が「節電発電所」の建設につながったといえる。
In contrast, utilities have failed to make serious efforts to ensure a power supply without nuclear plants. 電力会社の努力はどうか。
They have kept arguing that nuclear power generation is indispensable for a stable power supply, and they have applied for permission to restart reactors, including even risky ones close to densely populated areas. 安定供給には原発しかないと説き続け、リスクが明らかに高い人口密集地付近の原発でも再稼働を申請する。
Meanwhile, they have been dragging their feet on establishing a system that makes it easier for them to buy surplus power from other utilities serving different regions. To prevent a power crunch, Kansai Electric plans to buy electricity from Tokyo Electric Power Co. for the first time this summer. The amount of power traded between the nation’s eastern and western regions, which run at different frequencies, has increased by only 20 percent since the Fukushima disaster. 一方で、余った電力を地域を越えて融通しあう仕組みはなかなか整わない。関電は今夏初めて、東京電力から融通を受けて電力不足を乗り切る計画だが、周波数の違う東西での融通能力は震災時から２割増えただけだ。
Most utilities have remained dependent on old thermal power plants with low energy efficiency. They have kept saying these thermal plants could break down at any time and force them to raise electricity charges to cover growing fuel costs. It was only very recently that utilities began to move toward building state-of-the-art, energy efficient thermal power plants. 燃費がかさむ古い火力に頼り、「いつ故障とも知れない」「電気代が上がる」という説明も続く。最新鋭の高効率の火力発電所建設の動きが出始めたのは、ごく最近のことだ。
The Diet is now considering a bill to further deregulate the power market. The nation is heading into a new era when consumers including households as well as businesses can freely choose their power suppliers. The market has already been liberalized for large consumers like local governments. A growing number of them are switching to newly created power suppliers that offer cheaper electricity. 電力市場の自由化を進める法案が、国会で審議中だ。家庭も含めて自由に電力会社を選べる時代へと移っていく。すでに自由化された自治体などの大口利用者は、電気代の安い新電力に乗り換え始めた。
Unless they change their way of thinking, large established utilities, which have long held regional monopolies, will find it increasingly hard to secure their long-term viability. 発想を切り替えねば、大手電力会社自身が生き残れまい。
People who are making power-saving efforts want to see the establishment of a system that ensures a safe and stable supply of electricity at the lowest possible cost. It is vital to expand the use of renewable energy sources and build up a reliable program for mutual supplies of surplus power for more efficient use of limited resources. 節電する人びとが求めるのは、安全に安定して、できるだけ安く電気を使えるシステムをつくっていくことだろう。再生可能エネルギーを拡大し、限られた電気を融通し合える仕組みを早く根付かせたい。
The accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant has revealed huge potential risks lurking in nuclear power generation. From this point of view, the efforts of utilities to restart their nuclear power plants, driven by the fact that they have poured huge amounts of money into the facilities, appear to reflect a ruefully inward-looking attitude. 福島での事故で巨大なリスクが潜むことが明らかになった以上、巨額の投資をしたから原発を動かしたいという経営の論理はあまりに内向きに見える。
